Exhaustivity, Genericity and vP-external Subjects
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The source of exhaustivity observed in some i/ka-marked DPs in Korean has been a point of controversy among linguists (Schütze 1996, Yoon 2004, Choi 2005, among others). In this paper, I argue that the exhaustivity is a result of movement to a functional projection outside of the vP, presumably to [Spec, FP] (cf. Kiss 1998). The proposed movement is mostly not visible at the surface, due to Korean being a head-final language. However, subjects located outside of the vP show difference in their behaviors with regards to genericity and presuppositionality (Diesing 1992), and those behaviors are observed in exhaustive i/ka-marked DPs, but not in non-exhaustive i/ka-marked DPs. That exhaustivity in Korean is attained via movement is in accordance with observation made by Kiss (1998) that identificational focus in English and German are attained via movement.
Abstract
The source of exhaustivity observed in some i/ka-marked DPs in Korean has been a point of controversy among linguists (Schütze 1996, Yoon 2004, Choi 2005, among others). In this paper, I argue that the exhaustivity is a result of movement to a functional projection outside of the vP, presumably to [Spec, FP] (cf. Kiss 1998). The proposed movement is mostly not visible at the surface, due to Korean being a head-final language. However, subjects located outside of the vP show difference in their behaviors with regards to genericity and presuppositionality (Diesing 1992), and those behaviors are observed in exhaustive i/ka-marked DPs, but not in non-exhaustive i/ka-marked DPs. That exhaustivity in Korean is attained via movement is in accordance with observation made by Kiss (1998) that identificational focus in English and German are attained via movement.
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