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Deriving Cross-linguistic Variations of Wh-interrogatives in the MC Framework

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This paper explores cross-linguistic variation in wh-movement within the framework of Chomsky's (2023) Miracle Creed (MC), which reinterprets wh-dependencies as outcomes of interface instructions rather than syntactic operations. Departing from traditional Minimalist accounts (e.g., Chomsky 1995) that posit obligatory overt or covert wh-movement to the C-domain, the MC framework allows for both overt movement and wh-in-situ strategies to arise from language-specific interface conditions. Crucially, variation in externalization and scope interpretation is attributed to the nature of the complementizer system. Languages such as Bulgarian and English permit multiple wh-elements in the C-domain, enabling full wh-phrase access, while languages like German and Korean restrict C-domain access and instead utilize an (expletive) scope marker—evident in the German was-strategy and the Korean Q-particle. The Korean Q-particle, in particular, is analyzed as a scope marker that facilitates interpretation without necessitating syntactic movement. Additionally, the behavior of D-linked wh-phrases is examined, with the analysis suggesting that only their [wh]-feature is accessed for scope interpretation. This interface-based approach provides a unified explanation for both movement and interpretation asymmetries across typologically diverse languages.

Abstract

This paper explores cross-linguistic variation in wh-movement within the framework of Chomsky's (2023) Miracle Creed (MC), which reinterprets wh-dependencies as outcomes of interface instructions rather than syntactic operations. Departing from traditional Minimalist accounts (e.g., Chomsky 1995) that posit obligatory overt or covert wh-movement to the C-domain, the MC framework allows for both overt movement and wh-in-situ strategies to arise from language-specific interface conditions. Crucially, variation in externalization and scope interpretation is attributed to the nature of the complementizer system. Languages such as Bulgarian and English permit multiple wh-elements in the C-domain, enabling full wh-phrase access, while languages like German and Korean restrict C-domain access and instead utilize an (expletive) scope marker—evident in the German was-strategy and the Korean Q-particle. The Korean Q-particle, in particular, is analyzed as a scope marker that facilitates interpretation without necessitating syntactic movement. Additionally, the behavior of D-linked wh-phrases is examined, with the analysis suggesting that only their [wh]-feature is accessed for scope interpretation. This interface-based approach provides a unified explanation for both movement and interpretation asymmetries across typologically diverse languages.

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