KOREAN COMPARATIVES INVOLVE DEGREE OPERATOR MOVEMENT
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This paper shows that Korean comparatives involve degree operator movement, in contrast to Japanese comparatives. Beck et al. (2004) claim that yori 'than'-clauses in Japanese comparatives do not involve a degree variable, rather denoting individuals. Beck et al. (2004) further expect that Korean would pattern together with Japanese comparatives. However, I argue that Korean comparatives involve degree variables in the syntax, evidenced from negation island effects, no variation in acceptability, scope interactions, subcomparatives, measure phrase comparatives, and syntactic island effects.
Abstract
This paper shows that Korean comparatives involve degree operator movement, in contrast to Japanese comparatives. Beck et al. (2004) claim that yori 'than'-clauses in Japanese comparatives do not involve a degree variable, rather denoting individuals. Beck et al. (2004) further expect that Korean would pattern together with Japanese comparatives. However, I argue that Korean comparatives involve degree variables in the syntax, evidenced from negation island effects, no variation in acceptability, scope interactions, subcomparatives, measure phrase comparatives, and syntactic island effects.
참고문헌 (15)
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