TWO DISTINCT PATTERNS OF KOREAN /n/-INSERTION
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This paper argues that Korean /n/-insertion appears as a unitary process, but it comprises two distinct processes: /n/-insertion before /i/ and /n/-insertion before /j/. The apparent /n/-insertion before /i/ is not a synchronic /n/-insertion at all. Rather it is an epiphenomenon of the /n/-Ø alternation due to the historical word-initial /n/-deletion and lexicalization of words that lost their initial /n/. On the other hand, the /n/-insertion before /j/ is not a peculiar segment /n/-insertion but a feature [nasal]-insertion, which is a synchronically productive process to remedy a marked heteromorphemic CY onset cluster. This binary approach accounts for why the /n/-insertion before /i/ is not productive and observed in a few restricted words, and why the /n/-deletion before /j/ is productive and applies to both words with and without etymological /n/.
Abstract
This paper argues that Korean /n/-insertion appears as a unitary process, but it comprises two distinct processes: /n/-insertion before /i/ and /n/-insertion before /j/. The apparent /n/-insertion before /i/ is not a synchronic /n/-insertion at all. Rather it is an epiphenomenon of the /n/-Ø alternation due to the historical word-initial /n/-deletion and lexicalization of words that lost their initial /n/. On the other hand, the /n/-insertion before /j/ is not a peculiar segment /n/-insertion but a feature [nasal]-insertion, which is a synchronically productive process to remedy a marked heteromorphemic CY onset cluster. This binary approach accounts for why the /n/-insertion before /i/ is not productive and observed in a few restricted words, and why the /n/-deletion before /j/ is productive and applies to both words with and without etymological /n/.
참고문헌 (36)
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