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Response Particles to Would You Mind Questions

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This study is primarily intended to explore the various functions of response particles in would you mind polar questions, arguing against the syntactic analysis to polar questions under the assumption that they always have propositional meaning and a full sentential structure. In addition, I show that this would you mind polar question has two characteristics, a biased implication and a negative neutralization. Adopting discourse semantic analysis as a method to analyze this question type, this study attempts to provide a more persuasive explanation on the unique characteristics of response particles to would you mind questions. Focusing on the discourse functions of the response particles that respond to this question type, I demonstrate that two alternatives exist for construing the answer particles: one is to satisfy or fail to satisfy the preparatory condition of the requests, and the other is to accept or reject the indirect request. These discourse functions cause the same effect of negative neutralization in the would you mind questions. This study adds that response markers, such as sure and of course, which are used in the would you mind polar question, show their properties originating from lexical meanings as acceptance markers of requests and conforming markers.

Abstract

This study is primarily intended to explore the various functions of response particles in would you mind polar questions, arguing against the syntactic analysis to polar questions under the assumption that they always have propositional meaning and a full sentential structure. In addition, I show that this would you mind polar question has two characteristics, a biased implication and a negative neutralization. Adopting discourse semantic analysis as a method to analyze this question type, this study attempts to provide a more persuasive explanation on the unique characteristics of response particles to would you mind questions. Focusing on the discourse functions of the response particles that respond to this question type, I demonstrate that two alternatives exist for construing the answer particles: one is to satisfy or fail to satisfy the preparatory condition of the requests, and the other is to accept or reject the indirect request. These discourse functions cause the same effect of negative neutralization in the would you mind questions. This study adds that response markers, such as sure and of course, which are used in the would you mind polar question, show their properties originating from lexical meanings as acceptance markers of requests and conforming markers.

참고문헌 (51)

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