Asymmetries of English wh-adjunct/argument in Negative Island Sensitivity: An Experimental Study
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It has been argued that English wh-adjunct/argument reveals some asymmetries in island (in)sensitivity such that wh-arguments are insensitive to islands while wh-adjuncts are not (Huang 1982; Ross 1984; Rizzi 1990, 1992; Lasnik and Saito 1992; Szabolcsi and Zwarts 1993; Sprouse and Hornstein 2013). Arguments have addressed this assumption from various perspectives, among which the two major classes are general government (e.g., the Empty Category Principle) and binding (e.g., referentiality). While the government relations are strictly local (Chomsky, 1981), binding can span a certain distance as long as there is coindexation between the operator and the variable (Pesetsky 1987; Cinque 1990; Rizzi 1990, 1992). In this study, we conduct two acceptability rating experiments to investigate the adjunct-argument asymmetry in island sensitivity. By comparing two whys with two whos in two distinct syntactic positions (see Kim 2019; Kim, Wellwood, and Yoshida under revision for the assumptions of two different whys), we demonstrate that there is a general ban on wh-movement out of negative islands. However, the referentiality may potentially ameliorate the violation of negative island for wh-argument compared with wh-adjunct (Cinque 1990; Rizzi 1990, 1992).
Abstract
It has been argued that English wh-adjunct/argument reveals some asymmetries in island (in)sensitivity such that wh-arguments are insensitive to islands while wh-adjuncts are not (Huang 1982; Ross 1984; Rizzi 1990, 1992; Lasnik and Saito 1992; Szabolcsi and Zwarts 1993; Sprouse and Hornstein 2013). Arguments have addressed this assumption from various perspectives, among which the two major classes are general government (e.g., the Empty Category Principle) and binding (e.g., referentiality). While the government relations are strictly local (Chomsky, 1981), binding can span a certain distance as long as there is coindexation between the operator and the variable (Pesetsky 1987; Cinque 1990; Rizzi 1990, 1992). In this study, we conduct two acceptability rating experiments to investigate the adjunct-argument asymmetry in island sensitivity. By comparing two whys with two whos in two distinct syntactic positions (see Kim 2019; Kim, Wellwood, and Yoshida under revision for the assumptions of two different whys), we demonstrate that there is a general ban on wh-movement out of negative islands. However, the referentiality may potentially ameliorate the violation of negative island for wh-argument compared with wh-adjunct (Cinque 1990; Rizzi 1990, 1992).
참고문헌 (39)
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