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분류사 언어에서의 명사구의 생략과 대용: 한국어 ‘것’과 중국어 ‘de’에 대한 대조를 중심으로

NP-ellipsis and NP Pro-form in Classifier Languages: Focusing on the Contrasts of Korean kes and Chinese de

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주제분류언어학

초록

This paper examines contrasting distributions of Korean kes and its Chinese counterpart de in noun phrase environments. By doing so, this paper argues for the existence of NP-ellipsis in Korean and presents an explicit account on its correlation with an NP pro-form strategy. Two main observations are as follows. First, an internal argument cannot be preceded by kes, whereas it can precede de in Chinese. Secondly, a numeral adnominal modifier can precede neither kes nor de. The first aspect in distribution is explained by the syntactic nature contrasting between pro-form and ellipsis by PF-deletion. Kes, as an NP pro-form, has the constraint that an adnominal phrase first-merged outside the NP, not inside of it, should precede it, and hence an internal argument, by definition, is incompatible with kes. In contrast, de in Chinese, a licensor of NP-ellipsis, can be preceded by an internal argument if it undergoes extraction prior to NP-deletion at PF. The second fact, on the other hand, supports that numeral classifiers in both languages function as NP-ellipsis licensors. Given that ellipsis is preferred over pro-form, it is naturally expected that kes and a numeral shows a complementary distribution.

Abstract

This paper examines contrasting distributions of Korean kes and its Chinese counterpart de in noun phrase environments. By doing so, this paper argues for the existence of NP-ellipsis in Korean and presents an explicit account on its correlation with an NP pro-form strategy. Two main observations are as follows. First, an internal argument cannot be preceded by kes, whereas it can precede de in Chinese. Secondly, a numeral adnominal modifier can precede neither kes nor de. The first aspect in distribution is explained by the syntactic nature contrasting between pro-form and ellipsis by PF-deletion. Kes, as an NP pro-form, has the constraint that an adnominal phrase first-merged outside the NP, not inside of it, should precede it, and hence an internal argument, by definition, is incompatible with kes. In contrast, de in Chinese, a licensor of NP-ellipsis, can be preceded by an internal argument if it undergoes extraction prior to NP-deletion at PF. The second fact, on the other hand, supports that numeral classifiers in both languages function as NP-ellipsis licensors. Given that ellipsis is preferred over pro-form, it is naturally expected that kes and a numeral shows a complementary distribution.

참고문헌 (33)

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