애덤 스미스의 계급성품론
Adam Smith’s Theory of Class Character
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본 논문은 스미스의 저작에 나타나는 두 개의 계급분류, 즉 요소소득에 따른 계급분류(‘3대 계급론’)와 부와 지위에 따른 계급분류를 성품론의 관점에서 분석하였다. 특히 각 계급분류가 스미스가 <국부론>에서 전개한 핵심논지를 설명하는데 어떤 역할을 하는지에 초점을 두었다. 먼저 스미스는 <도덕감정론>에서 인간의 보편적 본성인 ‘동감’이 인간이 처한 상황에 따라 다양한 성품을 초래하는 이유를 설명했다. 특히 부와 지위에 따른 계급의 차별과 경제활동에 따라 다양한 성품이 형성되고, 당파심이 형성되는 이유를 설명하였다. 이러한 인식은 <국부론>에 와서 경제학 분석과 결합하여 생산요소 제공자가 수취하는 요소소득에 따른 계급분류가 도출되는데, 이 계급성품론은 각 계급이 경제활동의 성격이 각 계급이 자신의 이익을 파악하고 정치적으로 관철하는 영향력의 차이를 낳고, 특정 계급(상인과 제조업자)의 이익에만 봉사하는 독점정책이 채택되는 과정을 설명하는 기반이 되었다. 반면, 부와 지위에 따른 계급성품론은 자본축적을 촉진하는 중하류층의 근면 절약의 성품과 이것을 방해하는 상류층의 나태와 절약의 성품을 대비시키는 목적이 있었다. 이 두 개의 계급 성품론은 다음과 같은 스미스의 핵심 논지를 뒷받침하는 역할을 한다. 상인과 제조업자들이 우월한 지식과 정치적 영향력을 바탕으로 관철한 독점 정책을(요소소득 계급론) 통해 초과이윤을 획득하면서 상류층의 삶을 누리게 되는데 여기서 스미스가 독점의 가장 큰 폐단이라고 지목한 낭비의 풍조가 퍼져(부와 지위 계급론) 자본 축적과 경제성장이 저해된다. 이 계급 성품론의 관점에서 보면 스미스가 자유로운 시장경쟁에 국가가 개입하지 말 것을 요구하면서도 이자율 규제와 서민 자녀를 위한 교육정책 같은 국가 개입을 요구하는 표면상의 모순에는 시장경제 전반에 도덕성이 함양되기를 바라는 일관된 태도가 있음을 알 수 있다. 그러나 스미스의 계급성품론은 지난 몇백 년 사이에 진행된 사회경제구조의 변화, 학교나 대중매체를 통한 경제교육의 영향으로 인해 현실 적합성이 떨어졌다. 따라서 애덤 스미스가 했듯이 계급과 특정한 성품을 직접 연결하는 것보다 발터 오이켄이 질서형성 세력이란 개념을 통해 예시했듯이, 학문적·정치적 담론을 통해 특정한 경제관이 사회적으로 관철되는 과정을 연구하는 것이 더 나은 자유주의적 접근방법이 될 것이다.
Abstract
This paper analyses two versions of Adam Smith’s class theory in the aspect of class character: factor-income-recipient version and wealth- and-status version. This paper focuses on the role of each version in demonstrating the core arguments of Smith’s Wealth of Nations. Adam Smith illustrated in The Theory of Moral Sentiments how the universal natures of man, namely faculty of sympathy and desire for sympathy of others, induce different characters according to circumstances where men live. Concretely he explained the origin of distinction of ranks according to wealth and status, the reasons of different moral criteria applying to different ranks, influence of economic activities on characters, and the origin of faction. This finding is in the Wealth of Nations combined with economic analysis of distribution of factor income, which constitutes the factor-income- recipient version of class theory. This version is designed to explain difference in the abilities of the classes to understand their class interests and to affect public policy to benefit themselves. Another class theory of Smith, wealth-and-status version, which was already developed in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, is designed to compare the character of middle and lower ranks, viz. parsimony and industry which tend to promote capital accumulation and economic growth, with the character of upper rank, viz. prodigality and indolence which tend to impede capital accumulation and economic growth. Both versions of class theory are connected with each other as follows: Merchants and manufactures influence other classes and politicians to affect public policy which would give them monopoly position in domestic and foreign trade à la factor-income-recipient version, can gain extraordinary profit and enjoy with it the upper rank’s luxurious lifestyle, which then the middle and inferior ranks of the society would imitate, so that the habit of prodigality of the whole society would impede capital accumulation and economic growth(à la wealth-and-status version). These two versions of Smith’s theory of class character can help to find out his consistent concern behind the apparent contradiction between his objection to government intervention in free competition in market and his demand for government’s interest rate restrictions and for education policy for children of common people: he wanted thereby to enhance praiseworthy moral behavior in market economy. But his theory of class character has lost its relevance since the publication of the Wealth of Nations. Class structure has since then highly differentiated, economic education at school and in mass media has been gaining in importance vis-à-vis occupational experience, so that it does not make sense any more to associate class affiliation with specific character. A theoretical alternative would be Walter Eucken’s concept of ordering powers(“Ordnende Potenzen”) such as intellectuals (education), state (political institutions), and church, which conceptualizes institutions and groups that participate in discourse on economic reality and policy and influence the citizens’ standpoint of relevant economic, social and political questions.
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