한국어 스트리핑 구문의 복합명사구 제약 효과
Complex Noun Phrase Constraint Effects of Why-Stripping in Korean
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Two remnants of why-stripping in Korean belong to the same clausal domain because reanalysis takes place in non-elliptical contexts. This restriction arises because of interplay of syntax and processing. For the stripping out of the embedded clause dominated by the complex NP, the two remnants undergo movement to the layer above the matrix CP followed by ellipsis. However, there is no split layer between the complex NP and the embedded CP for way to be placed, which induces way-stripping to be unacceptable, showing no island repair by ellipsis at PF. For the matrix stripping, the interrogative adverb such as way occupies the matrix Spec-IntP and the focused remnant undergoes focus movement to Spec-FP followed by the ellipsis of the matrix TP containing the NP dominating the embedded clause. For the stripping out of the embedded clause, there is no island repair by ellipsis at PF. This is what English reflexive fragments undergoing one-fell-swoop at PF show.
Abstract
Two remnants of why-stripping in Korean belong to the same clausal domain because reanalysis takes place in non-elliptical contexts. This restriction arises because of interplay of syntax and processing. For the stripping out of the embedded clause dominated by the complex NP, the two remnants undergo movement to the layer above the matrix CP followed by ellipsis. However, there is no split layer between the complex NP and the embedded CP for way to be placed, which induces way-stripping to be unacceptable, showing no island repair by ellipsis at PF. For the matrix stripping, the interrogative adverb such as way occupies the matrix Spec-IntP and the focused remnant undergoes focus movement to Spec-FP followed by the ellipsis of the matrix TP containing the NP dominating the embedded clause. For the stripping out of the embedded clause, there is no island repair by ellipsis at PF. This is what English reflexive fragments undergoing one-fell-swoop at PF show.
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