Obligatory Control Constructions as an Enabling Function of SMT
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This paper investigates Obligatory Control(OC) constructions by comparing Chomsky’s(2021) Gengo Kenkyu(GK) framework and Chomsky’s(2023) Miracle Creed(MC) framework, both of which adhere to the Strong Minimalist Thesis(SMT). Unlike the GK framework, which relies on language-specific conditions such as Theta Univocality and the Duality of Semantics(DoS), the MC framework derives similar interpretive effects through the interaction of External Merge(EM) and Internal Merge(IM), along with the phase-based segregation between the propositional and clausal domains. A central mechanism in this account is boxing, whereby IM-generated elements are structurally isolated and excluded from further theta-role assignment. Form Copy(FC) is treated not as a syntactic operation but as an interpretive process at the CI/SM interfaces. This approach eliminates the need for PRO or traces and explains both raising and control constructions via copy pairs interpreted differently at the interface. The proposed analysis offers a simpler, unified account of OC constructions, aligning syntactic derivation more closely with interpretive mechanisms and thereby reducing theoretical complexity.
Abstract
This paper investigates Obligatory Control(OC) constructions by comparing Chomsky’s(2021) Gengo Kenkyu(GK) framework and Chomsky’s(2023) Miracle Creed(MC) framework, both of which adhere to the Strong Minimalist Thesis(SMT). Unlike the GK framework, which relies on language-specific conditions such as Theta Univocality and the Duality of Semantics(DoS), the MC framework derives similar interpretive effects through the interaction of External Merge(EM) and Internal Merge(IM), along with the phase-based segregation between the propositional and clausal domains. A central mechanism in this account is boxing, whereby IM-generated elements are structurally isolated and excluded from further theta-role assignment. Form Copy(FC) is treated not as a syntactic operation but as an interpretive process at the CI/SM interfaces. This approach eliminates the need for PRO or traces and explains both raising and control constructions via copy pairs interpreted differently at the interface. The proposed analysis offers a simpler, unified account of OC constructions, aligning syntactic derivation more closely with interpretive mechanisms and thereby reducing theoretical complexity.