고려말 東北面 영토개척과 영토의식: 公嶮鎭 두만강북설의 출현 배경
Territorial Expansion in the Northeast Frontier(東北面) at the end of the Goryeo dynasty, and Goryeo’s Recognition of Its own Territory: How the “Gongheom-jin(公嶮鎭) was above the Duman-gang river line” Notion was formed
0
조회
0
다운로드
7
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
Examined in this article is how expansion of territory progressed in the Northeast Realm(“東北面, Dongbuk-myeon”) of Goryo at the end of the dynasty, and how the Goyreo people’s recognition of their own territory enlarged accordingly. Alongside the examination of this issue, their recollection of the so-called “Northeast Nine Fortresses(東北九城)” is also observed, in order to determine exactly when the notion of considering the location of Gongheom-jin(公嶮鎭) to have been 700 ri units above the Duman-gang river line actually began to develop. The Goryeo people considered the location of the ‘9 fortresses in the Northeast’ as part of their territory, and established Gongheom-jin as the borderline. They also believed an old stone tablet which had been considered to have belonged to the Goguryeo era as a tablet that was more recently erected by Yun Gwan(尹瓘) in order to mark the borderline. Later, Gongheom-jin served as a basis for Goryeo’s defense against Ming’s threats to establish Cheolryeong-wi(鐵嶺衛) in the region, and as territory expansion continued, its own location also continued to move northward. Meanwhile, Goryeo, while enlarging its territory, also dealt with the Jurchen tribes. The Aldori(斡都里) faction which was living in the Songhwa-gang river basin relocated to the Duman-gang area and surrendered to Goryeo. Goryeo and Joseon both considered their original habitat as part of their own territories. And as Gongheom-jin and Yun Gwan’s tablet continued to be cited as foundations of territorial defense and preservation, the notion that Gongheom-jin had really always been above the Duman-gang river line began to take shape.
Abstract
Examined in this article is how expansion of territory progressed in the Northeast Realm(“東北面, Dongbuk-myeon”) of Goryo at the end of the dynasty, and how the Goyreo people’s recognition of their own territory enlarged accordingly. Alongside the examination of this issue, their recollection of the so-called “Northeast Nine Fortresses(東北九城)” is also observed, in order to determine exactly when the notion of considering the location of Gongheom-jin(公嶮鎭) to have been 700 ri units above the Duman-gang river line actually began to develop. The Goryeo people considered the location of the ‘9 fortresses in the Northeast’ as part of their territory, and established Gongheom-jin as the borderline. They also believed an old stone tablet which had been considered to have belonged to the Goguryeo era as a tablet that was more recently erected by Yun Gwan(尹瓘) in order to mark the borderline. Later, Gongheom-jin served as a basis for Goryeo’s defense against Ming’s threats to establish Cheolryeong-wi(鐵嶺衛) in the region, and as territory expansion continued, its own location also continued to move northward. Meanwhile, Goryeo, while enlarging its territory, also dealt with the Jurchen tribes. The Aldori(斡都里) faction which was living in the Songhwa-gang river basin relocated to the Duman-gang area and surrendered to Goryeo. Goryeo and Joseon both considered their original habitat as part of their own territories. And as Gongheom-jin and Yun Gwan’s tablet continued to be cited as foundations of territorial defense and preservation, the notion that Gongheom-jin had really always been above the Duman-gang river line began to take shape.
참고문헌 (38)
- 李根花, "고려 前期의 女眞招諭政策", 白山學報, 35 (1988)
- 추명엽, "고려전기 ‘번(蕃)’ 인식과 ‘동․서번’의 형성", 역사와현실, 43 (2002)
- 송용덕, "高麗前期 國境地域의 州鎭城編制", 韓國史論(서울대 국사학과), 51 (2005)
- 송용덕, "고려의 一字名 羈縻州 편제와 尹瓘 축성", 한국중세사연구, (32), pp.71~105 (2012), 한국중세사학회[DOI]
- 신수정, "고려 문종대 女眞의 동향과 고려 영토", 숭실사학, (30), pp.79~107 (2013), 숭실사학회
- 金庠基, "東方史論叢" (1974), 서울大學校出版部
- 羅滿洙, "高麗前期의 對女眞政策과 尹瓘의 北征", 軍史, 7 (1983)
- 金南奎, "高麗 睿宗代의 對女眞政策: 睿宗 2年 對女眞戰의 原因에 대한 考察을 중심으로", 慶大史論, 10 (1997)
- 金塘澤, "東아시아 歷史의 還流" (2000), 知識産業社
- 秋明燁, "11세기후반-12세기초 女眞征伐問題와 政局動向", 韓國史論(서울대 국사학과), 45 (2001)
- 송용덕, "1107~1109년 고려의 葛懶甸 지역 축성과 ‘尹瓘 9城’ 인식", 韓國史學報, (43), pp.77~107 (2011), 고려사학회
- 김순자, "고려중기 국제질서의 변화와 고려-여진 전쟁", 한국중세사연구, (32), pp.37~69 (2012), 한국중세사학회[DOI]
- 이정신, "고려·조선시대 윤관 9성 인식의 변화", 한국중세사연구, (32), pp.107~140 (2012), 한국중세사학회[DOI]
- 김순자, "韓中關係史 硏究의 成果와 課題" (2003), 國史編纂委員會
- 吳宗祿, "朝鮮前期의 北方經營과 疆域" (2003)
- "高麗史", ~
- 윤경진, "고려 동북 9성의 범위와 ‘公嶮鎭 立碑’ 문제", 역사와 실학, (61), pp.165~214 (2016), 역사실학회
- 김순자, "고려, 원(元)의 영토정책, 인구정책 연구", 역사와 현실, (60), pp.245~274 (2006), 한국역사연구회
- 윤경진, "고려후기 東北面의 지방제도 변화 - 州鎭의 변화를 중심으로 -", 한국문화, (72), pp.333~366 (2015), 규장각한국학연구원[DOI]
- 池內宏, "高麗辛禑朝に於ける鐵嶺問題", 東洋學報, 8(1) (1918)
- 稻葉岩吉, "鐵嶺衛の位置を疑ふ", 靑丘學叢, 18 (1934)
- 末松保和, "麗末鮮初に於ける對明關係", 史學論叢, 2 (1941)
- 金龍德, "鐵嶺衛考", 中央大論文集, 6 (1961)
- 朴元熇, "鐵嶺衛 位置에 관한 再考", 東北亞歷史論叢, 13 (2006)
- 박원호, "鐵嶺衛 설치에 대한 새로운 관점", 한국사연구, (136), pp.105~132 (2007), 한국사연구회
- "明太祖實錄 권187", ~
- "牧隱詩稿 권4", ~
- "世宗實錄", ~
- 稻葉君山, "朝鮮國境の史的考察(1-5)", 朝鮮史學, 3(7) (1926), 朝鮮史學同攷會
- 권영국, "일제시기 식민사학자의 고려시대 동북면의 국경·영토 인식", 사학연구, (115), pp.49~96 (2014), 한국사학회
- "太宗實錄", ~
- "龍飛御天歌 권7, 53장", ~
- 최규성, "거란 및 여진과의 전쟁", (신편)한국사, 15, pp.328~ (2002)
- 池內宏, "公嶮鎭と蘇下江", 東洋學報, 9 (1919)
- 노송령, "公嶮鎭과 先春嶺碑", 白山學報, 21 (1976)
- 최규성, "先春嶺과 公嶮鎭碑에 대한 新考察", 韓國史論(국사편찬위원회), 34 (2002)
- 이상태, "선춘령과 공험진의 위치 고찰에 관한 연구", 學林, 37 (2016)
- 尹武炳, "吉州城과 公嶮鎭", 歷史學報, 10, pp.82~88 (1958)