The Observance of V2 in the English Focalized Constructions
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the observance of V2 in the English focalized constructions from a diachronic perspective. It is proposed that Φ-features with a tense feature in C agree with rich verbal inflection and the lexicalization of a finite verb in C results in the obligatory V2 in OE. It is because an edge feature in C triggers the internal Merge of a focalized constituent in Spec-C in root declarative clauses, wh-interrogatives, negative-initial constructions or locative inversion constructions in OE. As Φ-features with a tense feature were inherited by T from C around the fifteenth century, T started denoting an EPP-feature which triggered the internal Merge of a subject in Spec-T. Concurrently Φ-features with a tense feature in T began to agree with an auxiliary verb or a finite verb, which shows readjusted V2 in declarative sentences in PDE. Meanwhile, in wh-interrogatives, negative- initial constructions or locative inversion constructions, Φ-features with a tense feature agree with poor verbal inflection. In this case apparent V2 is derived by means of feature Agree between a focus feature in C and an auxiliary verb or dummy do. This induces verb movement to C and the internal Merge of a focalized constituent in Spec-C in PDE.
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the observance of V2 in the English focalized constructions from a diachronic perspective. It is proposed that Φ-features with a tense feature in C agree with rich verbal inflection and the lexicalization of a finite verb in C results in the obligatory V2 in OE. It is because an edge feature in C triggers the internal Merge of a focalized constituent in Spec-C in root declarative clauses, wh-interrogatives, negative-initial constructions or locative inversion constructions in OE. As Φ-features with a tense feature were inherited by T from C around the fifteenth century, T started denoting an EPP-feature which triggered the internal Merge of a subject in Spec-T. Concurrently Φ-features with a tense feature in T began to agree with an auxiliary verb or a finite verb, which shows readjusted V2 in declarative sentences in PDE. Meanwhile, in wh-interrogatives, negative- initial constructions or locative inversion constructions, Φ-features with a tense feature agree with poor verbal inflection. In this case apparent V2 is derived by means of feature Agree between a focus feature in C and an auxiliary verb or dummy do. This induces verb movement to C and the internal Merge of a focalized constituent in Spec-C in PDE.
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