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Old English Na/No and Sentential Negation

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This study aims to investigate the distributions of the sentential negators na and no in Old English and illuminates their implications regarding negative cycle and the structural position of NegP. The investigation first reveals that na and no were spelling variants and constituted the second negator reinforcing ne through the process of renewal. The diachronic change of sentential negation in Old English, which forms a part of Jespersen’s negative cycle, is reinterpreted as the change in the interpretability of negation features carried by a negator. As long as the reduced negator ne takes the uninterpretable negation features, it becomes a probe and necessitates the second negator functioning as a goal. Regarding the fluctuation in the ordering patterns relevant to na/no, the hypothesis is proposed that the high and the low NegP co-existed in the grammar of Late Old English, even if the frequency of the former was overwhelming and has subsequently remained as the only option since Late Middle English.

Abstract

This study aims to investigate the distributions of the sentential negators na and no in Old English and illuminates their implications regarding negative cycle and the structural position of NegP. The investigation first reveals that na and no were spelling variants and constituted the second negator reinforcing ne through the process of renewal. The diachronic change of sentential negation in Old English, which forms a part of Jespersen’s negative cycle, is reinterpreted as the change in the interpretability of negation features carried by a negator. As long as the reduced negator ne takes the uninterpretable negation features, it becomes a probe and necessitates the second negator functioning as a goal. Regarding the fluctuation in the ordering patterns relevant to na/no, the hypothesis is proposed that the high and the low NegP co-existed in the grammar of Late Old English, even if the frequency of the former was overwhelming and has subsequently remained as the only option since Late Middle English.

참고문헌 (22)

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  7. Giannakidou, A, "Negative and Positive Polarity Items: Variation, Licensing, and Compositionality, In An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning vol 2", pp.1160~1712 (2011), Mouton de Gruyter
  8. Haeberli, E., "The Position of Negation and Adverbs in Early Middle English", Lingua, 117(1), pp.1~45 (2007)
  9. Hopper, P., "Grammaticalization" (2003), Cambridge University Press
  10. Ingham, R, "Negation and OV Order in Late Middle English", Journal of Linguistics, 36(1), pp.13~38 (2000)
  11. Jack, G. B, "Negation in Later Middle English Prose", Archivum Linguisticum, 9, pp.58~72 (1978)
  12. Jespersen, O, "Negation in English and Other Languages. Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab", Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser, 1, pp.1~151 (1917)
  13. Kemenade, A. van, "Syntactic Case and Morphological Case in the History of English" (1987), Foris
  14. Kemenade, A. van, "Sentential Negation and Clause Structure in Old English, In Negation in the History of English", pp.147~165 (1999), Mouton de Gruyter
  15. Kemenade, A. van, "Jespersen’s Cycle Revisited", pp.51~74 (2000), Oxford University Press
  16. Mitchell, B., "Old English Syntax" (1985), Clarendon Press
  17. Pintzuk, S., "Variationist Approach to Syntactic Change, In The Handbook of Historical Linguistics", pp.509~528 (2003), Blackwell Publishing
  18. Rissanen, M., "Isn’t it or Is it not? On the Order of Postverbal Subject and Negative Particle in the History of English, In Negation in the History of English", pp.189~205 (1999), Mouton de Gruyter
  19. Roberts, I., "Diachronic Syntax" (2007), Oxford University Press
  20. Roberts, I., "Syntactic Change: A Minimalist Approach to Grammaticalization" (2003), Cambridge University Press
  21. Yoon, H. -C, "On the Clitic Analysis of Old English Personal Pronouns", Studies in Modern Grammar, 28, pp.151~189 (2002)
  22. Zeijlstra, H., "Sentential Negation and Negative Concord", 박사, pp.2004

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