스페인어 접속법 구문의 이접지시 효과(disjoint reference effect): 자질 평가(feature valuation) 분석
Disjoint reference effect in Spanish subjunctive construction: analysis of feature valuation
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The main goal of this paper is to explore the so-called ‘Disjoint Reference Effect (henceforth DRE)' in Spanish subjunctive construction. On the basis of minimalist approach to Binding Theory, we argue in this paper that DRE is closely related to the feature valuation proposed by Pesetsky & Torrego(2007). Concretely, we propose that DRE, which is observed in subjunctive clauses with volitional matrix verbs, is based on the assumption that volitional verbs subcategorize COMP that has an unvalued uninterpretable T feature (i.e., uT<-val>). Since this assumption makes it possible to extend the binding domain of the null subject pro to vP of matrix clause, we account for the reason why DRE appears only in subjunctive clauses with volitional matrix verbs. On the other hand, to analyze constructions in which DRE does not appear, it is argued that factive-emotional verbs subcategorize COMP that has an valued uninterpretable T feature (i.e., uT<+val>). This suggestion not only makes it possible for a subordinate CP to be a binding domain for the null subject pro, but also explains why the subject pro in subjunctive clause can refer to the matrix subject without violating Binding Condition B.
Abstract
The main goal of this paper is to explore the so-called ‘Disjoint Reference Effect (henceforth DRE)' in Spanish subjunctive construction. On the basis of minimalist approach to Binding Theory, we argue in this paper that DRE is closely related to the feature valuation proposed by Pesetsky & Torrego(2007). Concretely, we propose that DRE, which is observed in subjunctive clauses with volitional matrix verbs, is based on the assumption that volitional verbs subcategorize COMP that has an unvalued uninterpretable T feature (i.e., uT<-val>). Since this assumption makes it possible to extend the binding domain of the null subject pro to vP of matrix clause, we account for the reason why DRE appears only in subjunctive clauses with volitional matrix verbs. On the other hand, to analyze constructions in which DRE does not appear, it is argued that factive-emotional verbs subcategorize COMP that has an valued uninterpretable T feature (i.e., uT<+val>). This suggestion not only makes it possible for a subordinate CP to be a binding domain for the null subject pro, but also explains why the subject pro in subjunctive clause can refer to the matrix subject without violating Binding Condition B.
참고문헌 (25)
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