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스페인어 보문소(complementizer) ‘que’ 생략 구문 연구

A Study on Spanish Clauses without Complementizer ‘que’

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한국스페인어문학회 (Asociacion Coreana De Hispanistas)|2022.06|스페인어문학 (Estudios hispanicos)|제103호|pp. 9-33

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참고문헌

키워드

보문소complementizer외부쌍병합external pair merge비국면화T의 C로의 이동dephasingT to C movement

초록

The purpose of this study is to explore the properties of Spanish clauses without complementizer ‘que’ and provide an appropriate analysis for them. In this paper, I have proposed a novel analysis of Spanish complementizerless clauses, based on ‘dephasing hypothesis’ proposed by Chomsky(2015). It is analyzed that the omission of complementizer ‘que’ is the result of T to C movement to check [irrealis] feature of C. Specifically, it is assumed that the structure made by T to C movement is [T [T C]], in which the phase head C becomes invisible to other computational operations and thus may not be spelled out in PF. (cf. Halle & Marantz 1993; Embick & Noyer 2007). I have also applied the external pair-merge hypothesis of Epstein, Kitahara & Seely (2016) to explain the construction with complementizer ‘que’. That is, it is assumed that the phase head C, before merging with TP, externally merges with a copy of T and forms the [C [C T]] structure in C position. This analysis not only enables the [irrealis] feature of C to be checked without T to C movement, but also can explain why the complementizer ‘que’ is spelled out in the [C [C T]] structure.

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to explore the properties of Spanish clauses without complementizer ‘que’ and provide an appropriate analysis for them. In this paper, I have proposed a novel analysis of Spanish complementizerless clauses, based on ‘dephasing hypothesis’ proposed by Chomsky(2015). It is analyzed that the omission of complementizer ‘que’ is the result of T to C movement to check [irrealis] feature of C. Specifically, it is assumed that the structure made by T to C movement is [T [T C]], in which the phase head C becomes invisible to other computational operations and thus may not be spelled out in PF. (cf. Halle & Marantz 1993; Embick & Noyer 2007). I have also applied the external pair-merge hypothesis of Epstein, Kitahara & Seely (2016) to explain the construction with complementizer ‘que’. That is, it is assumed that the phase head C, before merging with TP, externally merges with a copy of T and forms the [C [C T]] structure in C position. This analysis not only enables the [irrealis] feature of C to be checked without T to C movement, but also can explain why the complementizer ‘que’ is spelled out in the [C [C T]] structure.

참고문헌 (40)

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