Enhancing the Syntactic Typology of Ditransitive Verbs in Russian
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This paper surveys the range of ditransitive predicates from the perspective of the case marking displayed by the two NP arguments of the verb. Familiar types are represented by Accusative-Dative and Accusative-Instrumental types, which have been widely analyzed in the literature. A novel and unique type is represented by the verb lišit', which pairs NPs in the Accusative and the (quantificational) Genitive cases. In addition, it is noted that an unusual type of ditransitive can be identified in certain verbs that take two obligatory Accusative arguments, one of them the direct object (semantic patient) of the underlying verb, and the second an obligatory measure nominal expressing duration or distance, which is required by addition of the prefix pro-. The verb lišit' is argued to support the typology of case assignment first presented in Choo 2007. Case assignment to the Genitive NP is argued to reflect extrinsic semantic case assignment, and several other examples of this variety of case assignment are adduced in further support of the analysis of lišit'.
Abstract
This paper surveys the range of ditransitive predicates from the perspective of the case marking displayed by the two NP arguments of the verb. Familiar types are represented by Accusative-Dative and Accusative-Instrumental types, which have been widely analyzed in the literature. A novel and unique type is represented by the verb lišit', which pairs NPs in the Accusative and the (quantificational) Genitive cases. In addition, it is noted that an unusual type of ditransitive can be identified in certain verbs that take two obligatory Accusative arguments, one of them the direct object (semantic patient) of the underlying verb, and the second an obligatory measure nominal expressing duration or distance, which is required by addition of the prefix pro-. The verb lišit' is argued to support the typology of case assignment first presented in Choo 2007. Case assignment to the Genitive NP is argued to reflect extrinsic semantic case assignment, and several other examples of this variety of case assignment are adduced in further support of the analysis of lišit'.
참고문헌 (13)
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