On the nature of alternations in phonological acquisition
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Abstract
This paper brings first-language acquisition evidence to bear on a guiding principle of phonology, namely the Alternation Condition, and identifies some problems with its integration into both rule-based and constraint-based theories of phonology. It has long been held that neutralization rules apply only in derived environments and that no phonological rule can apply exclusively in a nonderived environment. Three problematic case studies are considered. In the first of these, a process is shown to apply exclusively in a nonderived environment. The second case involves a different process that is also restricted to a nonderived environ-ment but requires an extended notion of what constitutes a (non)derived environment. The third case finds the same process to be restricted to a derived environment, but again requires the extended interpretation of (non)derived environments. Optimality theoretic accounts of these phenomena are formulated to take advantage of developmental changes in morphology and constraint rankings.
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