Horizontal and vertical dimensions of IP initial H*: native and non-native disparity
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This paper reports results from Korean learners of English speakers’ pitch production experiment investigating F0 contour in pre H* syllables in Intonational Phrase initial positions by comparing with that of native speakers of North American English. The F0 contour at issue has long been the subject of controversy as it can be hard to determine the status of the pitch contour: it may be related to a low boundary tone, it may be understood as a leading L tone associated with H*, or it may be instances of the phonetic implementation of H.* Two experiments were designed to investigate horizontal and vertical dimensions of fundamental frequency (i.e., F0 value and time points of F0 contour) in IP initial positions. In the experiments, the left-hand environment of H* was manipulated by systematically increasing the number of pre H* syllables and 8 native speakers and 10 non-native speakers of English were asked to read aloud a passage containing twelve test sentences. Experimental results suggest that no significant differences were found in the vertical domain of F0 contours between native and non-native speakers of English: the F0 contour is quasi-flat and the F0 does not interpolate toward the following H* regardless of native language background. In comparison, a significant difference was obtained in the horizontal domain of F0 contours between native and non-native speakers of English: F0 rise turns out to be constantly timed with the onset of H* bearing syllable in English native speakers’ speech but not in Korean speakers’ English speech.
Abstract
This paper reports results from Korean learners of English speakers’ pitch production experiment investigating F0 contour in pre H* syllables in Intonational Phrase initial positions by comparing with that of native speakers of North American English. The F0 contour at issue has long been the subject of controversy as it can be hard to determine the status of the pitch contour: it may be related to a low boundary tone, it may be understood as a leading L tone associated with H*, or it may be instances of the phonetic implementation of H.* Two experiments were designed to investigate horizontal and vertical dimensions of fundamental frequency (i.e., F0 value and time points of F0 contour) in IP initial positions. In the experiments, the left-hand environment of H* was manipulated by systematically increasing the number of pre H* syllables and 8 native speakers and 10 non-native speakers of English were asked to read aloud a passage containing twelve test sentences. Experimental results suggest that no significant differences were found in the vertical domain of F0 contours between native and non-native speakers of English: the F0 contour is quasi-flat and the F0 does not interpolate toward the following H* regardless of native language background. In comparison, a significant difference was obtained in the horizontal domain of F0 contours between native and non-native speakers of English: F0 rise turns out to be constantly timed with the onset of H* bearing syllable in English native speakers’ speech but not in Korean speakers’ English speech.
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