서울말 모음충돌회피 현상에 대한 최적성 이론 분석: 변이 현상을 중심으로
An optimality-theoretical analysis of variable vowel hiatus resolution in Seoul Korean
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The purpose of this paper is to provide a unified analysis of multiple vowel-hiatus resolving processes attested in Seoul Korean verb conjugation. Different processes may usually be adopted depending on the stem-final vowel quality. When the stem-final vowel is /ˆ/, it is obligatorily deleted (e.g. k'ˆ + √→ k'√). In contrast, when stem-final vowels are /i, u, o/, they are subject to various processes including glide formation and glide insertion: for instance ki√ ~ kiy√, and tu√ ~ tuw√. In addition, when the stem-final vowel is /u/, it may delete (e.g. katu√ ~ kat√) or undergo coalescence with the following suffixal vowel (e.g. tu√ ~ to). To explain the occurrence of these multiple hiatusresolution processes, Kim(2000) proposes a constraint-based analysis crucially based on faithfulness constraints for vowel features whose mutual rankings are as follows: MAX-[-high], MAX-[-back] >> MAX-[round] >> MAX-[+high], MAX-[+back]. To explain a variety of attested patterns, these faithfulness constraints interact with various other constraints, those prohibiting glide formation, glide insertion, /u/-deletion, and vowel coalescence. As for the variation, Kim(2000) adopts two mechanisms based on speech styles. The variations in the casual speech style are analyzed by free rankings of constraints. By contrast, for the variations (retention vs resolution) between two different speech styles (careful vs casual),Kim(2000) adopts “FLOATING” ONSET which can freely change its relative ranking. However, the function of the floating “ONSET” overlaps with that of its conventional correspondent ONSET. To improve an analysis, this paper reanalyzes optional and obligatory resolutions by adopting Partially Ordered Constraint Theory(Anttila 1997). In this theory the rankings of constraints are partial, not total. Specifically, I have proposed three strata, each of which includes constraints contributing to the occurrence of free variation. Constraints in different strata interact with each other to produce obligatory patterns.
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to provide a unified analysis of multiple vowel-hiatus resolving processes attested in Seoul Korean verb conjugation. Different processes may usually be adopted depending on the stem-final vowel quality. When the stem-final vowel is /ˆ/, it is obligatorily deleted (e.g. k'ˆ + √→ k'√). In contrast, when stem-final vowels are /i, u, o/, they are subject to various processes including glide formation and glide insertion: for instance ki√ ~ kiy√, and tu√ ~ tuw√. In addition, when the stem-final vowel is /u/, it may delete (e.g. katu√ ~ kat√) or undergo coalescence with the following suffixal vowel (e.g. tu√ ~ to). To explain the occurrence of these multiple hiatusresolution processes, Kim(2000) proposes a constraint-based analysis crucially based on faithfulness constraints for vowel features whose mutual rankings are as follows: MAX-[-high], MAX-[-back] >> MAX-[round] >> MAX-[+high], MAX-[+back]. To explain a variety of attested patterns, these faithfulness constraints interact with various other constraints, those prohibiting glide formation, glide insertion, /u/-deletion, and vowel coalescence. As for the variation, Kim(2000) adopts two mechanisms based on speech styles. The variations in the casual speech style are analyzed by free rankings of constraints. By contrast, for the variations (retention vs resolution) between two different speech styles (careful vs casual),Kim(2000) adopts “FLOATING” ONSET which can freely change its relative ranking. However, the function of the floating “ONSET” overlaps with that of its conventional correspondent ONSET. To improve an analysis, this paper reanalyzes optional and obligatory resolutions by adopting Partially Ordered Constraint Theory(Anttila 1997). In this theory the rankings of constraints are partial, not total. Specifically, I have proposed three strata, each of which includes constraints contributing to the occurrence of free variation. Constraints in different strata interact with each other to produce obligatory patterns.
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