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Application of OT-CC to a non-opacity issue:Realization of an epenthetic segment in Korean noun compounding

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Abstract

McCarthy (2006a, b, 2007) has recently proposed a revised version of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993) to account for phonological opacity. This OT alternative, titled OT-CC, includes chains with intermediate forms and relies on derivation with the gradualness and harmonic improvement conditions. The goal of this study is to apply these premises of OT-CC to a non-opacity issue and to explain the cases of consonant epenthesis and subsequent tensification, place assimilation and gemination in a unified manner. Given valid and invalid chains, this paper demonstrates that consonant epenthesis in noun compounding includes an intermediate form with the segment that lacks an oral place feature. This placeless segment, then, triggers tensification or undergoes place assimilation or gemination, depending on the property of the chain. This approach is convincing in a sense that it accounts for realization of multiple outputs with various chains in a consistent manner, and that it clearly shows the processes of harmonic improvement in a phonological phenomenon.

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