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Multiple Agree and Quirky Subject Constructions

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주제분류언어학

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Abstract

Under the assumption that a goal is activated at the point of the derivation where a head that contains a compatible probe is merged, we argue, contra Hiraiwa (2000) and Chomsky (2001), that Multiple Agree takes place sequentially rather than simultaneously. Assuming that an active probe is completely valued only when its subproperties are all discharged, we claim that Multiple Agree is triggered by a [+multiple] property on the probe. Splitting the EPP into two types, i.e. ‘associate EPP’ and ‘dissociate EPP,’ we propose a typological account of the quirky subject constructions with special reference to Korean/Japanese and Icelandic.

참고문헌 (27)

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  20. "Locative Inversion and Defective Agree (In Korean)", 37, pp.113~136 (2004)
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  26. "T-to-C Movement: Causes and Consequences" (2000), MIT Press
  27. "Checking Theory and Dative Constructions in Japanese and Korean", 8, pp.183~222 (1999)

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