스페인어 부정명사구(indefinite NPs) 접어 중복(clitic doubling) 연구
A Research on the Clitic Doubling of Spanish Indefinite NPs
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초록
본 논문의 목적은 바스크(Basque) 스페인어, 페루 스페인어와 같은 일부 스페인어에서 나타나는 부정명사구(indefinite NPs) 접어 중복(clitic doubling) 현상의 여러 가지 특징을 살펴보고 이를 통사적으로 분석하는데 에 있다. 이를 위해 두 가지의 중요한 가설, 즉 Chomsky(2007, 2008)의 ‘자질 계승(feature inheritance) 가설’과 Diesing(1992)의 ‘사상 가설(Mapping Hypothesis)’이 적용되었다. 구체적으로, 우리는 Chomsky(2007, 2008)가 제안한 의무적 자질 계승 가설을 수정하여 일부 스페인어 방언들에서는 v*의 Φ-자질이 V로 계승되지 않을 수 있음을 가정하였고 이 경우 v*위치에 남아있는 Φ-자질이 대격 접어로 실현된다고 가정하였다. 이러한 본고의 가설은 Diesing(1992)의 사상 가설과 연계하여 접어 중복 구문에서 나타나는 부정명사구의 의미 해석 분석에 적용되었다. 즉, V로의 자질 계승 없이 v*에서 접어가 실현된 경우 부정명사구는 Spec-v*P 위치로 이동하여 전제적(presuppositional) 또는 부분적(partitive) 해석을 받는다고 가정하였고, 반면 V로의 자질 계승이 일어나는 경우는 접어가 나타나지 않고 부정명사구는 Spec-VP로 이동하여 존재적(existential) 해석을 받는다고 설명하였다. 마지막으로 비특정적(non-specific) 해석을 받는 부정명사구에 대한 접어 중복 구문이 분석 되었다. 이 경우 부정명사구들은 총칭적(generic) 해석 또는 전칭 양화(universal quantification) 해석을 받는 것으로 분석되었는데 이들 명사구들이 Spec-v*P, 즉 제한 영역(restrictive clause)에 위치한다고 가정함으로서 이러한 해석이 주어짐을 설명할 수 있었다.
Abstract
This paper aims to explore the properties of the clitic doubling of indefinite NPs that appears in some Spanish dialects such as Basque and Peruvian Spanish, and to provide an appropriate analysis for them. For this purpose we have proposed a novel analysis of the clitic doubling of indefinite NPs, based on the Feature Inheritance Hypothesis(Chomsky 2007, 2008) and the Mapping Hypothesis(Diesing1992). Concretely, we have proposed a revised Feature Inheritance, which is different from Chomsky's original one, assuming that the uninterpretable phi-features of v* can optionally (not obligatorily) be inherited by the head V it selects. One of the consequences obtained from this hypothesis is that the clitic doubling is analyzed as a morphological realization of the phi-features in v*, which have entered into an Agree relation with a indefinite NP. This assumption is applied to the indefinite NPs' interpretation, which is related to the Mapping Hypothesis proposed by Diesing(1992). Namely, it is assumed that if the phi-features of v* are not inherited by V, the indefinite NPs move to Spec-v*P, where receive a presuppositional or partitive interpretation, while in case the phi-features of v* are inherited by V, the indefinite NPs move to Spec-VP, where receive a existential interpretation. We also analyze the clitic doubling of the indefinite NPs with non-specific reading. In this case, the indefinite NPs have generic or universal quantification reading, since they occupy Spec-v*P position, which is belong to the restrictive clause.
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