Nasal Place Assimilation in Korean and English
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초록
This paper attempts to account for nasal place assimilation, focusing on phonological variation which has been problematic in OT. We review the previous analyses of nasal place assimilation and two approaches to phonological variation. The multiple constraint hierarchies (or co-phonologies) approach and free-ranking approach may account for variation but have problems such as radically different subgrammars/ outputs or various subhierarchies. Rank-Ordering Model of Eval (ROE) proposed by Coetzee (2006) is applied to phonological variation with regard to nasal place assimilation in Korean and English. In ROE, Eval assigns a harmonic rank-ordering to the whole candidate set, and two or more candidates are possible as variants. This model presents an analysis of variation without radically different subgrammars/outputs or various subhierarchies. In order to account for phonological variation regarding nasal place assimilation, we use constraints ID-IO(Onset), *[n[+labial]]Wd, Max ([+velar]), [...V_(str)N(αP)+C(αP)...], ID-IO(Coda), and Agree(Place) and a single ranking hierarchy. This analysis needs further research with regard to the frequency of variants depending on speech styles in the future.
Abstract
This paper attempts to account for nasal place assimilation, focusing on phonological variation which has been problematic in OT. We review the previous analyses of nasal place assimilation and two approaches to phonological variation. The multiple constraint hierarchies (or co-phonologies) approach and free-ranking approach may account for variation but have problems such as radically different subgrammars/ outputs or various subhierarchies. Rank-Ordering Model of Eval (ROE) proposed by Coetzee (2006) is applied to phonological variation with regard to nasal place assimilation in Korean and English. In ROE, Eval assigns a harmonic rank-ordering to the whole candidate set, and two or more candidates are possible as variants. This model presents an analysis of variation without radically different subgrammars/outputs or various subhierarchies. In order to account for phonological variation regarding nasal place assimilation, we use constraints ID-IO(Onset), *[n[+labial]]Wd, Max ([+velar]), [...V_(str)N(αP)+C(αP)...], ID-IO(Coda), and Agree(Place) and a single ranking hierarchy. This analysis needs further research with regard to the frequency of variants depending on speech styles in the future.
참고문헌 (21)
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