Unpassivizability and Binding Condition A
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This paper argues that the unpassivizability of some constructions comes from the same reason, namely the Binding Condition A violation. These constructions include those with an anaphor or the subject’s body part as their object. In order to subsume the latter under the account based on the Binding Condition A, this paper exploits the view of Helke (1979) and Bresenan (1982), which is that an object nominal expressing the subject’s body part is in a local relation with the subject. The same kind of reasoning is also extended to the unpassivizability of the so called setting subject constructions. This paper shows that these constructions’ unpassivizability can be also subsumed under the Binding Condition A violation in the modified dual v* analysis. For this, this paper introduces Morita’s (2003) framework, namely the whole-part structure, with minor revision. This paper also explores the possibility of extending the same account to the unpassivizability of some stative verbs like resemble and have. A lot of seemingly different factors causing unpassivizability can be reduced to the Binding Condition A violation.
Abstract
This paper argues that the unpassivizability of some constructions comes from the same reason, namely the Binding Condition A violation. These constructions include those with an anaphor or the subject’s body part as their object. In order to subsume the latter under the account based on the Binding Condition A, this paper exploits the view of Helke (1979) and Bresenan (1982), which is that an object nominal expressing the subject’s body part is in a local relation with the subject. The same kind of reasoning is also extended to the unpassivizability of the so called setting subject constructions. This paper shows that these constructions’ unpassivizability can be also subsumed under the Binding Condition A violation in the modified dual v* analysis. For this, this paper introduces Morita’s (2003) framework, namely the whole-part structure, with minor revision. This paper also explores the possibility of extending the same account to the unpassivizability of some stative verbs like resemble and have. A lot of seemingly different factors causing unpassivizability can be reduced to the Binding Condition A violation.
참고문헌 (24)
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