On the Edges of Korean NP
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This paper shows that a particular pattern in Korean Possessor Raising constructions can be accounted for if only the highest specifier of NP counts as a phasal edge. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate of the contextuality of phasal edgehood: The status of a Spec/adjunct regarding the phasal edge can be affected by the syntactic context in which the Spec/adjunct appears. In particular, only the highest specifier of NP counts as a phasal edge and the lower specifier of NP is only accessible when the highest one undergoes movement. This article also discusses issues regarding the syntax and semantics of adjectives and possessors in Korean nominal phrases, arguing that adjectives and possessors in Korean are NP-adjuncts and there is no functional projection such as DP. This also sheds a new light on the discussion of Korean possessor raising constructions.
Abstract
This paper shows that a particular pattern in Korean Possessor Raising constructions can be accounted for if only the highest specifier of NP counts as a phasal edge. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate of the contextuality of phasal edgehood: The status of a Spec/adjunct regarding the phasal edge can be affected by the syntactic context in which the Spec/adjunct appears. In particular, only the highest specifier of NP counts as a phasal edge and the lower specifier of NP is only accessible when the highest one undergoes movement. This article also discusses issues regarding the syntax and semantics of adjectives and possessors in Korean nominal phrases, arguing that adjectives and possessors in Korean are NP-adjuncts and there is no functional projection such as DP. This also sheds a new light on the discussion of Korean possessor raising constructions.
참고문헌 (17)
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