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<高麗詞之事>에 나타난 국어의 음운들

A Report of <KORYOSAJISA> — About of Phonemes on the Korean Materials Written in Kana —

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초록

So far, we’ve looked at how phonemes appear by studyingat the vocabularies in Koryosajisa and their phonetic scription. It is summarized below. First, the plosives ㅂ, ㄷ, and 演 appear in the ハ, バ (ha,ba) gyou, タ (ta) gyou, and カ (ka) gyou in Japanese. In thecase where these sounds are non-first sounds, the vowels donot vowelize clearly. Second, the nasal occlusives ㅁ and ㄴ appear in the マ, ハ,バ (ma, ha, ba) gyou and タ, ダ (ta,da) gyou. The sound of ㅁ is related to the characteristics of the Japaneseハ gyou at the time, and as the bilabiality (mb) of ‘ハ (voicelessbilabial fricative) / バ (nasal bilabial stop) gyou’ and nasalityof the sonant of dakuon are identical to those of the Korean ㅁ, which may have presumably caused these to become phoneticallyscripted in a confusing fashion. Excluding the Hamgyŏng and Gyeongsang dialects, when theKorean ㄴ when it combines with a high vowel at starting, itappears as [dn] with a pre-plosive characteristics (LeeByeong-geun). The fact that Kana phonetic scripting appearsin タ, ダ (ta, da) gyou, and this is seen as the diachronic evidenceof allophones (Song Min), and this record also is phoneticallyscripted as タ, ダ (ta, da) gyou. Therefore, correction is inevitable. In the case of Gyeongsang dialect, ㄴ at the starting becomes[dn] in combination with almost all vowels, not only with a highvowel. Third, fricatives ㅅ and ㅎ are phonetically scripted as サ (sa)gyou and ハ (ha) gyou. Fourth, in the case of the word-initial consonantal cluster, ㅂ does not appear in the ㅂ-sort, ㅄ appears without a ㅂ or ㅄ, and the ㅅ-sort appears as the head consonant group as is. Fifth, in the case of voice consonants ㅸㅿㆁ, ㅸ is thoughtto appear as w in the case of pjowəm and as ㅂ in the othercases. ㅿ has two cases: to spear as ㅅ and as ∅. ㆁ, in thecase of ㄹ and ㅇ, appears as k, and it is presumed to indicate[g]>[ɦ]>[∅]. When looking at other cases of vowels, first, the Korean [ə]is generally phonetically scripted as [a] in many incidents. Itis unsure if this is the problem of phoneme-counteraction orthe current dialect model. [jə] appears as [e] or [ja]. This, as well, is unsure if this isthe problem of phoneme-counteraction or the current dialectmodel. This is the characteristic of this record. ㆍ is phonetically scripted as [a] and [o]. Lastly, through the examples of Korean [ai] and [i] becomingscripted as [e], it brings out the question of the existence ofa single vowel [e] or [ɛ].

Abstract

So far, we’ve looked at how phonemes appear by studyingat the vocabularies in Koryosajisa and their phonetic scription. It is summarized below. First, the plosives ㅂ, ㄷ, and 演 appear in the ハ, バ (ha,ba) gyou, タ (ta) gyou, and カ (ka) gyou in Japanese. In thecase where these sounds are non-first sounds, the vowels donot vowelize clearly. Second, the nasal occlusives ㅁ and ㄴ appear in the マ, ハ,バ (ma, ha, ba) gyou and タ, ダ (ta,da) gyou. The sound of ㅁ is related to the characteristics of the Japaneseハ gyou at the time, and as the bilabiality (mb) of ‘ハ (voicelessbilabial fricative) / バ (nasal bilabial stop) gyou’ and nasalityof the sonant of dakuon are identical to those of the Korean ㅁ, which may have presumably caused these to become phoneticallyscripted in a confusing fashion. Excluding the Hamgyŏng and Gyeongsang dialects, when theKorean ㄴ when it combines with a high vowel at starting, itappears as [dn] with a pre-plosive characteristics (LeeByeong-geun). The fact that Kana phonetic scripting appearsin タ, ダ (ta, da) gyou, and this is seen as the diachronic evidenceof allophones (Song Min), and this record also is phoneticallyscripted as タ, ダ (ta, da) gyou. Therefore, correction is inevitable. In the case of Gyeongsang dialect, ㄴ at the starting becomes[dn] in combination with almost all vowels, not only with a highvowel. Third, fricatives ㅅ and ㅎ are phonetically scripted as サ (sa)gyou and ハ (ha) gyou. Fourth, in the case of the word-initial consonantal cluster, ㅂ does not appear in the ㅂ-sort, ㅄ appears without a ㅂ or ㅄ, and the ㅅ-sort appears as the head consonant group as is. Fifth, in the case of voice consonants ㅸㅿㆁ, ㅸ is thoughtto appear as w in the case of pjowəm and as ㅂ in the othercases. ㅿ has two cases: to spear as ㅅ and as ∅. ㆁ, in thecase of ㄹ and ㅇ, appears as k, and it is presumed to indicate[g]>[ɦ]>[∅]. When looking at other cases of vowels, first, the Korean [ə]is generally phonetically scripted as [a] in many incidents. Itis unsure if this is the problem of phoneme-counteraction orthe current dialect model. [jə] appears as [e] or [ja]. This, as well, is unsure if this isthe problem of phoneme-counteraction or the current dialectmodel. This is the characteristic of this record. ㆍ is phonetically scripted as [a] and [o]. Lastly, through the examples of Korean [ai] and [i] becomingscripted as [e], it brings out the question of the existence ofa single vowel [e] or [ɛ].

참고문헌 (17)

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  11. 이기문, "陰徳記의 高麗詞之事에 대하여", 국어학, 17, pp.3~32 (1988)
  12. 정승철, "語頭子音群의 硬音化와 激音化", 한국문화, (32), pp.31~48 (2003), 규장각한국학연구원
  13. 차재은, "15세기 중기 우리말의 음소 결합 제약", 한국어학, (27), pp.279~307 (2005), 한국어학회
  14. 허웅, "국어음운학" (1985), 샘문화사
  15. 沖森卓也, "日本語史" (1989), 桜楓社
  16. 亀井孝, "室町時代末期の", φ, 国語研究三, pp.1937[DOI]
  17. 志部昭平, "陰徳記 高麗詞之事-文禄慶長の役における仮名書き朝鮮資料", 朝鮮学報, 128, pp.2~102 (1988)

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