기원전 4 ~ 서기 1세기의 고고학자료로 본 흉노와 동아시아 - 흉노학의 정립을 위한 토대구축을 겸하여
Xiongnu in Ancient Culture of East Asia - an Approach to Solve Xiongnu's Chronological and Spacial Paradox with Suggestion of International Xiongnu Studies
0
조회
0
다운로드
27
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
Apparently, Xiongnu studies in recent years are awesomely increased. From 1990 to present many international cooperative excavations have been conducted in the People's Republic of Mongolia, and Chinese scholars also autonomously investigate the Southern Xiongnu sites(mainly Inner Mongoila of China). Besides, the researchs on Cis-baikal area are relatively diminished compared to the period until 1980s, when the Cis-baikal was one of most distinctive areas for Xiongnu studies. Although many attempts to shed light on the Xiongnu archaeology, the connection between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched for reasons as below. 1) historical researches are mainly based on the Chinese historical records, written actually on the diplomatic and martial actions with Xiongnu in the background of chinese determinism. 2) most of Xiongnu excavations are concentrated on Mongol and Cis-Baikal, actually these regions belonged to Northern Xiongnu. In contrast, Southern Xiongnu are poorly researched and definition of Northern vague because of strong influence of Chinese mortuary tradition. 3) In relation with spacial inclination, most of Xiongnu tombs are dated from middle of 1st century B.C. to 1st century A.D. It means that the materials. accumulated up to now are just concerned after the spilt of Northern and Southern Xiongnu. These reasons also concern to the matter why the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched. To suggest a new perspective on Xiongnu archaeology, author suggest to actively include 4th~3th B.C., of chinese norther region included in Ordos Bronzes in Xiongnu archaeology. Since the Ordos bronzes could be used as the evidence of Eurasian nomad's influence to ancient chinese culture, the research on the Ordos Bronzes became the one of the most important ground in Chinese archaeology. Interests on the Ordos bronzes by Western and Japanese researchers did not involve serious archaeological analysis. That's the reason why Northern Chinese zone so poorly contributed to Xiongnu archaeology. Generally, according to Chinese chronicles about Xiongnu, they formed a prominent complex society on the borderline of Northern China in 4-3th B.C. In 4-3th century B.C., in spite of absence of big barrows or fortresses, Ordos plateau, Southern Siberia(Altai region) and Western Turkestan has strong similarities in gold prestige goods as crown, diadem, and monstrous animal style ornaments. We can assume that if we include Northern Chinese regions in 4-3th B.C. centuries, then we could manage to discuss the whole cultural change of Xiongnu. Furthermore, this conception of 'widened' Xiongnu area could shed light on the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia. Most of researchers on the Xiongnu archaeology concentrate on the barrows in Mongolia dated from 1th B.C., but Kochosun(Old Chosun). which was believed to have close relation with Xiongnu, were collapsed by Han Dynasty in 108 B.C., until the flourish of nowaday well-known Xiongnu tombs. So, in this article, author suggest to expand Xiongnu chronological range until 4th century B.C., and spacial range to Ordos plateau and neighboured steppe region of North China. In this case, we can trace the relationship between Xiongnu, dynasty Yan, and Kochosun(or lute-shaped dagger culture of Manchuria). Xinzhuangtu tomb No.30 in Yanxiatu revealed many steppe style gold plaque and gold gilt daggers with Korean style spear of halberd type Ge. Like this, new perspective on Xiongnu studies could be founded if we give more contributions on Xiongnu and East Asian relations. After the power of Xiongnu dissolved in 1st c. A.D., previously subordinated peoples as Xianbi, Wuhuan, Wusun rose in the Eurasia steppes and opened medieval age in Eurasia. As long as "Northern type" materials found in Korea are dated to Xiongnu age or slightly later, we need to give more attention to contemporary studies on Xiongnu.
Abstract
Apparently, Xiongnu studies in recent years are awesomely increased. From 1990 to present many international cooperative excavations have been conducted in the People's Republic of Mongolia, and Chinese scholars also autonomously investigate the Southern Xiongnu sites(mainly Inner Mongoila of China). Besides, the researchs on Cis-baikal area are relatively diminished compared to the period until 1980s, when the Cis-baikal was one of most distinctive areas for Xiongnu studies. Although many attempts to shed light on the Xiongnu archaeology, the connection between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched for reasons as below. 1) historical researches are mainly based on the Chinese historical records, written actually on the diplomatic and martial actions with Xiongnu in the background of chinese determinism. 2) most of Xiongnu excavations are concentrated on Mongol and Cis-Baikal, actually these regions belonged to Northern Xiongnu. In contrast, Southern Xiongnu are poorly researched and definition of Northern vague because of strong influence of Chinese mortuary tradition. 3) In relation with spacial inclination, most of Xiongnu tombs are dated from middle of 1st century B.C. to 1st century A.D. It means that the materials. accumulated up to now are just concerned after the spilt of Northern and Southern Xiongnu. These reasons also concern to the matter why the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched. To suggest a new perspective on Xiongnu archaeology, author suggest to actively include 4th~3th B.C., of chinese norther region included in Ordos Bronzes in Xiongnu archaeology. Since the Ordos bronzes could be used as the evidence of Eurasian nomad's influence to ancient chinese culture, the research on the Ordos Bronzes became the one of the most important ground in Chinese archaeology. Interests on the Ordos bronzes by Western and Japanese researchers did not involve serious archaeological analysis. That's the reason why Northern Chinese zone so poorly contributed to Xiongnu archaeology. Generally, according to Chinese chronicles about Xiongnu, they formed a prominent complex society on the borderline of Northern China in 4-3th B.C. In 4-3th century B.C., in spite of absence of big barrows or fortresses, Ordos plateau, Southern Siberia(Altai region) and Western Turkestan has strong similarities in gold prestige goods as crown, diadem, and monstrous animal style ornaments. We can assume that if we include Northern Chinese regions in 4-3th B.C. centuries, then we could manage to discuss the whole cultural change of Xiongnu. Furthermore, this conception of 'widened' Xiongnu area could shed light on the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia. Most of researchers on the Xiongnu archaeology concentrate on the barrows in Mongolia dated from 1th B.C., but Kochosun(Old Chosun). which was believed to have close relation with Xiongnu, were collapsed by Han Dynasty in 108 B.C., until the flourish of nowaday well-known Xiongnu tombs. So, in this article, author suggest to expand Xiongnu chronological range until 4th century B.C., and spacial range to Ordos plateau and neighboured steppe region of North China. In this case, we can trace the relationship between Xiongnu, dynasty Yan, and Kochosun(or lute-shaped dagger culture of Manchuria). Xinzhuangtu tomb No.30 in Yanxiatu revealed many steppe style gold plaque and gold gilt daggers with Korean style spear of halberd type Ge. Like this, new perspective on Xiongnu studies could be founded if we give more contributions on Xiongnu and East Asian relations. After the power of Xiongnu dissolved in 1st c. A.D., previously subordinated peoples as Xianbi, Wuhuan, Wusun rose in the Eurasia steppes and opened medieval age in Eurasia. As long as "Northern type" materials found in Korea are dated to Xiongnu age or slightly later, we need to give more attention to contemporary studies on Xiongnu.
참고문헌 (55)
- 강인욱, "고고학으로 본 흉노의 발생과 분포", 문화재, (36), pp.105~156 (2003), 국립문화재연구소
- 강인욱, "高句麗 鐙子의 發生과 유라시아 草原地帶로의 전파에 대하여", 북방사논총, 12 (2006)
- 강인욱, "몽골 초기 유목문화의 형성과 동북아시아 in: 몽골의 고대문화", 서울대학교 박물관, ~ (2008)
- 강인욱, "北匈奴의 西進과 신강성의 흉노시기 유적", 중앙아시아연구, 13, pp.143~171 (2008), 중앙아시아학회
- 강인욱, "靺鞨文化의 形成과 2~4세기 挹婁ㆍ鮮卑ㆍ夫餘系文化의 관계", 고구려발해연구, 33, pp.9~42 (2009), 고구려발해학회
- 강인욱, "區系類型論과 중국 동북지방의 고고학-중국 동북지방 고고학에 대한 이론적 접근-", 한국고고학보, 56, pp.5~26 (2005), 한국고고학회
- 강인욱, "中國 오르도스(顎爾多斯) 靑銅器의 槪念과 初期硏究에 대한 檢討 -骨董學에서 新中國 成立以前까지", 중국사연구, (48), pp.311~348 (2007), 중국사학회
- 국립중앙박물관, "초원의 대제국 흉노", 학술심포지엄
- 겔렉도르지 에렉젠(G. Eregzen), "흉노와 낙랑 무덤 비교", 한-몽 공동학술 조사 10주년 국제 학술대회 (2008)
- 겔렉도르지 에렉젠(G. Eregzen), "몽골 흉노무덤 연구", 박사
- 박양진, "족속 추정과 부여 및 선비 고고학자료의 비교분석", 한국고고학보, 39 (1998)
- 박양진, "중국 동북지방의 선비문덤 연구", 백제연구, 32 (2002)
- 윤형원, "新羅-匈奴의 무덤구조 비교 검토", 제2회 한-몽 학술심포지엄 (2004), 대한민국 국립중앙박물관․몽골 국립역사박물관․몽골 과학아카데미 고고학연구소
- 조진선, "韓國式銅戈의 登場背景과 辛庄頭 30號墓", 호남고고학보, 32, pp.5~35 (2009), 호남고고학회
- 岡內三眞, "燕と東胡と朝鮮", 靑丘學術論集, 23 (2003), 韓國文化硏究振興財團
- 沢田熏, "匈奴-古代遊牧國家の興亡" (1996), 東方選書
- 甘肅省文物考古硏究所, "2006年度甘肅張家川回族自治縣馬家塬戰國墓地發掘簡報", 文物, 8 (2008)
- 蓋山林, "內蒙古察右后旗趙家房村發現匈奴墓群", 考古, 2 (1977)
- 喬梁, "匈奴遺存的發現與硏究 in 慶祝張忠培先生七十歲論文集" (2008), 文物出版社
- 內蒙古文物工作隊, "毛慶溝墓地」 in 田廣金,郭素新 著" (1986), 鄂爾多斯式靑銅器
- 內蒙古博物館, "內蒙古淮格爾旗玉隆太的匈奴墓", 考古, 2 (1977)
- 單月英, "匈奴墓葬硏究", 考古學報, 1 (2009)
- 馬利淸, "原匈奴, 匈奴- 歷史與文化的考古學探索" (2005), 北方民族史博士文庫, 內蒙古大學出版社
- 马长寿, "乌桓与鲜卑" (1962), 上海人民出版社
- 潘玲, "西溝畔漢代墓地四號墓的年代及文化特征再探討", 華夏考古, 2 (2004)
- 王立新, "林西井溝子-晩期靑銅時代墓地的發掘與綜合硏究" (2010), 科學出 版社
- 烏恩, "論匈奴考古硏究中的幾個問題", 考古學報, 4 (1990)
- 烏恩, "試論漢代匈奴與鮮卑遺蹟的區別", 中國考古學會 第六次年會論文集 (1987)
- 烏恩, "寧夏 同心倒頓子匈奴墓葬", 考古學報, 3 (1988)
- 韋正, "鮮卑墓葬硏究", 考古學報, 3 (2009)
- 魏坚主 编, "内蒙古地区鲜卑墓葬的发现与研究" (2004), 科学出版社
- 伊克昭盟文物工作站, "西溝畔匈奴墓反映的諸問題", 文物, 7 (1980)
- 伊克昭盟文物工作站, "西溝畔漢代匈奴墓地調査記", 內蒙古文物與考古, (創刊) (1981)
- 伊克昭盟文物工作站, "內蒙古東勝市磚房渠發現金銀器窖藏", 考古, 5 (1991)
- 伊克昭盟文物工作站, "東勝縣補洞溝匈奴墓淸理簡報", 內蒙古文物與考古, (創刊) (1981)
- 林幹, "匈奴通史" (1986), 人民出版社
- 林澐, "東胡與山戎的考古探索", 環渤海考古國際學術討論會論文集 (1995), 知識出版社
- 林澐, "關于中國的對匈奴族原的考古學硏究", 內蒙古文物考古, 1 (1993)
- 張增其, "云南靑銅器的‘動物紋’牌飾及北方草原文化遺物", 考古, 9 (1987)
- 田廣金, "桃紅巴拉的匈奴墓", 考古學報, 1 (1976)
- 田廣金, "內蒙古阿魯柴登發現的匈奴遺物", 文物, 4 (1980)
- 田廣金, "鄂爾多斯式靑銅器", ~ (1986)
- 田廣金, "西溝畔匈奴墓反映的諸問題", 文物, 7 (1980)
- 靑海省文物管理所, "靑海大通上上孫家寨的匈奴墓", 文物, 4 (1979)
- 塔拉, "呼魯斯太匈奴墓", 文物, 7 (1980)
- 河北省文物硏究所, "燕下都上下冊" (1996), 文物出版社
- 郑绍宗, "河北省發現的靑銅短劍", 考古, 4 (1975)
- 다브이도바, "이볼가 유적복합체", 1 (1985)
- 다브이도바, "이볼가 고고학적 복합체", 이볼가 무덤군, 2 (1996)
- 미냐예프, "흉노의 기원: 문제의 현재 상황유라시아 스텝 고고학의 제문제", ~ (1987)
- 코발료프, "사서와 고고학적 자료로 본 흉노의 기원", ~ (2002)
- 딸꼬-그린쩨비치, "일모바야 빠디의 수진묘지", ~ (1898)
- 톨마쵸프, "만주의 스키토-시베리아문화의 흔적", 만주통보, 6 (1929)
- ovgorodova, E.A, "Ulangom - ein Graberfeld der Skythischen Zeitaus der Mongolei", Ulangom, ~ (1982)
- Miniaev, S.S, "On the Chronology of the Noyon uul Barrows", The Silk Road, 7 (2009)
