마을농악의 전승구도 변화와 현실 대응 -전남 남해안지역 마을농악을 중심으로-

Abstract

This article has been prepared after reviewing the past andpresent of local nongak (a term referring to a traditional folkperformance held by farmers throughout Korea) in terms of thechanges of transmission of tradition to new generations. A basicprecondition for the past and present is whether nongak is amainstream culture or becoming minor culture on the fringe ofsociety. The target area is the southern coastal regions of Jeonnam. Thesouthern coastal regions are the places where local nongak issoundly handed down and maintaining its vitality by coping withthe chronological changes. Although it can be compared with pastnongak which was a part of mainstream culture, it can bediscussed from the current perspective because local residents aremaking efforts to preserve nongak by themselves. A discussionwas conducted by focusing on transmission of local nongak of thetimes when it was recognized as a mainstream culture and thecurrent situations of considering it as a minor culture. Nongak of the past was a type of entertainment that everyonecould easily enjoy. Therefore, it was assumed that people couldnaturally adopt it without establishing a teacher-pupil relationship. It was easy to find people who were particularly interested innongak and recorded the melodies to help remember them. Although people could easily enjoy the mainstream culture ofnongak in the villages, it doesn't mean that nongak didn't have itssystems and formalities. A ‘sangsoi’ (leading gong-player) wholead the nongak band received early education from a music playercalled a ‘chibae’ (Also referred to as 'nonggu') and Koreanfarmer's cooperative groups teach people nongak as a part of localculture education. In addition, people tried to develop local nongakto become a more sophisticated art form by inviting outstandingsangsoi or entertainers from the outside. In other words, nongakwas not only a culture for everyone but also has its own structurefor systematic transmission of tradition to new generations in thevillages. This is the reason why nongak could be handed down asa performing art in the villages for a long time. Currently, local nongak is facing danger. Nongak is facing twocrises; Local communities, where nongak was supposed to behanded down, are being dismantled and nongak are not able toremain a part of mainstream culture these days. Local nongak ismaintaining its vitality by filling vacancies with women. Inaddition, they are trying to hand down nongak by participating invarious shows, contests, and festivals and on the strength of itsdesignation as an intangible cultural asset. The external activitiesof local nongak bands and the governmental interference maydistort the normal transmission of nongak, but such activities andexternal interests improve the cultural status of local nongak. Local nongak is no longer a part of mainstream culture. Itconceded to popular culture for having its cultural status remainingto be a part of mainstream culture and is strengthening its positionas a tradition culture. In a nongak show, a ‘teuroteu song’ (acombination of Korean musical forms, involving trot, jazz andtraditional music) comes out when the sounds of nongak dies away. Local residents often enjoy nongak as a part of festivals for theirteuroteu songs. The traditional procedures are followed whenformal nongak is necessary, but people sometimes enjoy informalnongak with teuroteu songs to add entertainment value forfestivals. Meanwhile, people are trying to preserve local nongak,extend local nongak to regional nongak, and reproduce forgottennongak for recovering and passing down local cultural traditions. Inconclusion, even though local nongak is no longer a part ofmainstream culture these days, it has adapted to change, iscontinuing to act as a part of culture, and maintaining its vitalitybased on the efforts of successors.