ECM Constructions Redux
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Exceptional Case Marking /Subject-to-Object Raising (ECM/SOR, hereafter) constructions have been given largely two different analyses. Under GB assumption, the embedded infinitival clauses were taken as IP, where the infinitival subject is exceptionally Case-marked by the matrix transitive verb. This analysis gave the constructions the well-known name 'ECM'. A recent minimalist program (and an earlier transformational grammar) takes the constructions as involving subject-to-object raising. Specifically, the subject of the embedded infinitival clause undergoes raising to the object position or AgrO Spec of the matrix clause, where Case gets assigned or checked by the matrix transitive verb. This analysis gave the constructions the name 'SOR'. In this paper, we will revisit the constructions which have been argued to be Korean counterparts of English ECM. Specifically, this paper presents some empirical phenomena that appear to be ECM/SOR without supporting either of the above two analyses. In fact, the constructions will be analyzed as a Focus Phrase, that is, a focus DP followed by CP proposition containing a pro.
Abstract
Exceptional Case Marking /Subject-to-Object Raising (ECM/SOR, hereafter) constructions have been given largely two different analyses. Under GB assumption, the embedded infinitival clauses were taken as IP, where the infinitival subject is exceptionally Case-marked by the matrix transitive verb. This analysis gave the constructions the well-known name 'ECM'. A recent minimalist program (and an earlier transformational grammar) takes the constructions as involving subject-to-object raising. Specifically, the subject of the embedded infinitival clause undergoes raising to the object position or AgrO Spec of the matrix clause, where Case gets assigned or checked by the matrix transitive verb. This analysis gave the constructions the name 'SOR'. In this paper, we will revisit the constructions which have been argued to be Korean counterparts of English ECM. Specifically, this paper presents some empirical phenomena that appear to be ECM/SOR without supporting either of the above two analyses. In fact, the constructions will be analyzed as a Focus Phrase, that is, a focus DP followed by CP proposition containing a pro.
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