동사로서의 부정적 형태소 ‘말-’: 분포와 의미
The Negative Morpheme mal- as a Verb: Its Distribution and Meaning
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Since Han and Lee 2007 in particular, it has been widely assumed or suggested that the negative morpheme mal- that occurs after the inflectional element -ci is a morphological realization of Neg+do. However, Choe (2020) argues that it is not Neg, but a lexical verb that has a meaning of the volitional verb refrain, and that it should be best considered an inherently negative predicate (= INP) (see Klima 1964). In this paper, to support Choe (2020)'s view, I discuss some empirical data that show that its distributional property is essentially different from that of Neg as it is a verb (that selects a clause). The data include the following: (i) data where NPIs yekan and X-pakkey appear, (ii) “doubling” data containing mal- (e.g., ka-l-kka ma-l-kka), and (iii) data that show that the distribution of mal- is sensitive to the type of sentence ending marker. Consistent with Choe 2020, (i-iii) demonstrate that the negative morpheme mal- should be considered a particular type of V. Finally, I also suggest that it can be combined with the causative morpheme -li- to form a causative verb, and show that the causative verb mal-li- (‘refrain-make’) requires the reversed polarity in its embedded clause due to the semantic and/or lexical property of the verb mal-.
Abstract
Since Han and Lee 2007 in particular, it has been widely assumed or suggested that the negative morpheme mal- that occurs after the inflectional element -ci is a morphological realization of Neg+do. However, Choe (2020) argues that it is not Neg, but a lexical verb that has a meaning of the volitional verb refrain, and that it should be best considered an inherently negative predicate (= INP) (see Klima 1964). In this paper, to support Choe (2020)'s view, I discuss some empirical data that show that its distributional property is essentially different from that of Neg as it is a verb (that selects a clause). The data include the following: (i) data where NPIs yekan and X-pakkey appear, (ii) “doubling” data containing mal- (e.g., ka-l-kka ma-l-kka), and (iii) data that show that the distribution of mal- is sensitive to the type of sentence ending marker. Consistent with Choe 2020, (i-iii) demonstrate that the negative morpheme mal- should be considered a particular type of V. Finally, I also suggest that it can be combined with the causative morpheme -li- to form a causative verb, and show that the causative verb mal-li- (‘refrain-make’) requires the reversed polarity in its embedded clause due to the semantic and/or lexical property of the verb mal-.
참고문헌 (14)
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