An Investigation of Case Connectivity in Korean Sluicing and Why-stripping
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This study explores the Case connectivity of Korean fragments such as matrix sluicing and why-stripping, which are elliptical variants of full wh-questions. Both fragments are limited by a certain identity condition in ellipsis. We first show that the argument structure of a missing predicate must be identical to that of the corresponding antecedent predicate. We then show that if the remnant of ellipsis is an NP, it must be Case-licensed by a missing head identical to the corresponding antecedent head. Given this, we argue that Case mismatches are possible in Korean sluicing or why-stripping when the antecedent verb may assign more than one Case. The non-structuralist approach (Sag and Nykiel 2011; Jacobson 2016) enforces the Case identity between a sub-sentential remnant and its correlate. Hence, we defend the structuralist approach to the Case connectivity of Korean fragments.
Abstract
This study explores the Case connectivity of Korean fragments such as matrix sluicing and why-stripping, which are elliptical variants of full wh-questions. Both fragments are limited by a certain identity condition in ellipsis. We first show that the argument structure of a missing predicate must be identical to that of the corresponding antecedent predicate. We then show that if the remnant of ellipsis is an NP, it must be Case-licensed by a missing head identical to the corresponding antecedent head. Given this, we argue that Case mismatches are possible in Korean sluicing or why-stripping when the antecedent verb may assign more than one Case. The non-structuralist approach (Sag and Nykiel 2011; Jacobson 2016) enforces the Case identity between a sub-sentential remnant and its correlate. Hence, we defend the structuralist approach to the Case connectivity of Korean fragments.
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