Non-QR Analysis for Scope Interaction in Korean and English:An approach in the ＂Probe-Goal＂ System

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to show that the non-QR approach to the relative quantifier scope still works in the most recent version of the minimalist program where the movement with copying and deletion reduced to deletion under matching without movement. The main argument comes from the fact that even though Case driven A-movement is no longer available, we can exploit the EPP effect by both T and v. The Subject Raising and the Object Shift are created from the EPP of both categories and the relative scope interaction between the two quantifiers is immediately explained in the English ambiguous sentence. For the non-ambiguity in the corresponding Korean sentence, one particular property of Korean enables us to get an explanation without parameterization of EPP l. More specifically, it is suggested that the NPs with an overt nominative marker in [Spec, TP] is related to FocP so that it should remain at LF. This induces a reading where the subject quantifier takes a wider scope. Our analysis is nicely extended to the scope interaction in negation as well both in Korean and English.