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Ways of solving (counter-)cyclic A-movement in phase theory

Manabu Mizuguchi
한국현대언어학회 (The Modern Linguistic Society Of Korea)|2019.12|언어연구 (Linguistic Research)|제36권 제3호|pp. 325-363|DOI 10.17250/khisli.36.3.201912.001

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참고문헌

키워드

externalizationphaseEPPMergesubject extractionA-movementlocal subject Ā-movement
주제분류언어학

초록

A-movement in phase syntax is executed counter- cyclically under the assumption that movement or Internal Merge applies at the phase level. This poses a non-trivial problem to syntax as the subject infixes into Spec,TP in violation of the No-Tampering Condition. This paper addresses the counter-cyclicity problem and argues that it is only apparent. I propose two ways to solve the counter-cyclicity, claiming that A-movement is made cyclic by Transfer and Merge. I also suggest that Transfer is reducible to Merge, with counter-cyclic A-movement solved by Merge alone. I show that the proposed analysis can explain subject extraction from the embedded clause and argues for vacuous movement in local subject Ā-movement. The EPP effect is reconsidered as one consequence of the proposals and I argue that it is deducible from externalization as well as from labeling. The present paper endorses the assumption that Merge is the core of syntactic derivation and supports the basic hypothesis in the Minimalist Program, which says that language is explained by Merge and interfaces with two other internal systems.

Abstract

A-movement in phase syntax is executed counter- cyclically under the assumption that movement or Internal Merge applies at the phase level. This poses a non-trivial problem to syntax as the subject infixes into Spec,TP in violation of the No-Tampering Condition. This paper addresses the counter-cyclicity problem and argues that it is only apparent. I propose two ways to solve the counter-cyclicity, claiming that A-movement is made cyclic by Transfer and Merge. I also suggest that Transfer is reducible to Merge, with counter-cyclic A-movement solved by Merge alone. I show that the proposed analysis can explain subject extraction from the embedded clause and argues for vacuous movement in local subject Ā-movement. The EPP effect is reconsidered as one consequence of the proposals and I argue that it is deducible from externalization as well as from labeling. The present paper endorses the assumption that Merge is the core of syntactic derivation and supports the basic hypothesis in the Minimalist Program, which says that language is explained by Merge and interfaces with two other internal systems.

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관련 논문AI추천

A-movement: Its successive cyclicity revisitedManabu Mizuguchi한국현대언어학회 · 언어연구2020 · 제37권 제3호MERGE, Minimal Yield, and Workspace accessibilityManabu Mizuguchi한국현대언어학회 · 언어연구2023 · 제40권 제1호Phase-head Initiated Structure Building: Its Implications for Feature-Inheritance, Transfer and Internal Merge심재영한국생성문법학회 · 생성문법연구2014 · 제24권 제2호Some Notes on Transfer Domain권기양새한영어영문학회 · 새한영어영문학2017 · 제59권 제3호MERGE, Labeling and Transfer Meet the Subject Condition김재준, 박명관대한영어영문학회 · 영어영문학연구2022 · 제64권 제2호On the EPP-less Movement Analysis박연미한국현대언어학회 · 언어연구2008 · 제23권 제4호

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