Subkind Readings of Noun Phrases with a Numeral
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Although diverse forms of NPs contributed to generic readings, much research focus has lied on the semantics of bare plurals. Moreover, characterizing generic sentences are widely discussed, but not kind readings. In this study, I focus on subkind readings of NPs with numerals. Two previous analyses of Krifka (1995) and Chierchia (1998) are briefly summarized to show earlier approaches to kind readings. Nomoto (2010) provides a detailed argument on subkind readings, in which kinds are assumed to be groups of subkinds in a lattice structure of kind domain. I have pointed out that not all NPs with numerals are allowed to have subkind readings. Human nouns are strictly restricted to have object readings even when they occur with numerals and predicates taking kind entities. In Nomoto’s analysis, subkind readings are produced by type-shifting on bare plurals without positing a change on the semantics of numerals. Hence, the distinct preferences of subkind readings are not accounted for. To deal with the distinct preferences, I have revised the interpretation domain suggested by Nomoto and argued that kind-level numerals are interpreted separately from object-level numerals. Just as classifiers in classifier languages may be under lexical restrictions, kind-level numerals in English are lexically restricted in the way that NPs denoting subkinds of the kind human are not selected as their arguments.
Abstract
Although diverse forms of NPs contributed to generic readings, much research focus has lied on the semantics of bare plurals. Moreover, characterizing generic sentences are widely discussed, but not kind readings. In this study, I focus on subkind readings of NPs with numerals. Two previous analyses of Krifka (1995) and Chierchia (1998) are briefly summarized to show earlier approaches to kind readings. Nomoto (2010) provides a detailed argument on subkind readings, in which kinds are assumed to be groups of subkinds in a lattice structure of kind domain. I have pointed out that not all NPs with numerals are allowed to have subkind readings. Human nouns are strictly restricted to have object readings even when they occur with numerals and predicates taking kind entities. In Nomoto’s analysis, subkind readings are produced by type-shifting on bare plurals without positing a change on the semantics of numerals. Hence, the distinct preferences of subkind readings are not accounted for. To deal with the distinct preferences, I have revised the interpretation domain suggested by Nomoto and argued that kind-level numerals are interpreted separately from object-level numerals. Just as classifiers in classifier languages may be under lexical restrictions, kind-level numerals in English are lexically restricted in the way that NPs denoting subkinds of the kind human are not selected as their arguments.
참고문헌 (21)
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