A Special Status of the Morpheme-initail [h]in Korean
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Abstract
Korean surface [h] is observed in the morpheme-initial position while it is not in the morpheme-final position. And it is rarely and optionally observed in the morpheme-internal position. We try to develope a markedness constraint which restricts the distribution of the surface [h] to the morpheme-initial position and explain the observation, in the framework of Optimality Theory. We further show that the distribution of the surface [h] in morpheme-initial position directly affects the distribution of the underlying /h/ in the lexicon via ROTB and Lexicon Optimization. This way, we try to provide an explanation to the question why [h] is rarely observed in the morpheme-internal position. As evidence, we show diachronic morphological structure change from some Middle Korean words to their corresponding Modern Korean words, in which a morpheme boundary before /h/ had become blurred and the resulting morpheme-internal /h/ has become deleted in both the input and the output.
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