Agreement, Scrambling, and Language Variation
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This paper presents an analysis of the cross-linguistic typology of scrambling on the basis of the languages like German and Korean. Korean allows both long and short scrambling, while German allows only short scrambling. The guiding idea is that the different typology of scrambling is derived by different movement paths on the languages. I argue that differences in agreement result in different roles of Spec TP which in turn bring about different scambling patterns. To support my argument, I show cases where long scrambling has A-movement properties and suggest that Spec TP is an escape hatch for scrambling in Korean(Kim, 2011). From this observation, I propose that a finite clause with phi-agreement features forms a scrambling domain. Assuming that agreement features originate on the C head(Chomsky, 2005), the C[+Agr] head (i.e., C with phi-agreement features) forms a syntactic barrier for scrambling
Abstract
This paper presents an analysis of the cross-linguistic typology of scrambling on the basis of the languages like German and Korean. Korean allows both long and short scrambling, while German allows only short scrambling. The guiding idea is that the different typology of scrambling is derived by different movement paths on the languages. I argue that differences in agreement result in different roles of Spec TP which in turn bring about different scambling patterns. To support my argument, I show cases where long scrambling has A-movement properties and suggest that Spec TP is an escape hatch for scrambling in Korean(Kim, 2011). From this observation, I propose that a finite clause with phi-agreement features forms a scrambling domain. Assuming that agreement features originate on the C head(Chomsky, 2005), the C[+Agr] head (i.e., C with phi-agreement features) forms a syntactic barrier for scrambling
참고문헌 (16)
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