An Agree-based Approach to Object Honorification
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Unlike subject honorification, object honorification (OH) in Korean—where the honorific target is an object of a (di)transitive predicate or a verbal compound, and only suppletion of an honorific exponent is available—has received little attention in the literature. This squib investigates the conditions under which OH can be licensed and examines which existing theories of honorification best account for it. Two main approaches to honorification have been proposed within the generative framework: (i) honorification as post-syntactic feature copying (Choi & Harley, 2019; S-Y Park, 2021), and (ii) honorification as syntactic agreement, where an unvalued honorific feature [Hon:__] on a functional head is valued through Agree with a interpretable [Hon:+] feature on an NP (S. Kim, 2019; Jou, 2024). After demonstrating a problem for the former, this squib argues, following Jou's (2024) syntactic agreement approach, that there exists an OH-specific agreement projection, AgrOHP, positioned below VoiceP and above vP. It is proposed that OH is licensed when the head of AgrOHP c-commands an honorifiable object and values its feature as [Hon:+] via downward Agree during the first phase.
Abstract
Unlike subject honorification, object honorification (OH) in Korean—where the honorific target is an object of a (di)transitive predicate or a verbal compound, and only suppletion of an honorific exponent is available—has received little attention in the literature. This squib investigates the conditions under which OH can be licensed and examines which existing theories of honorification best account for it. Two main approaches to honorification have been proposed within the generative framework: (i) honorification as post-syntactic feature copying (Choi & Harley, 2019; S-Y Park, 2021), and (ii) honorification as syntactic agreement, where an unvalued honorific feature [Hon:__] on a functional head is valued through Agree with a interpretable [Hon:+] feature on an NP (S. Kim, 2019; Jou, 2024). After demonstrating a problem for the former, this squib argues, following Jou's (2024) syntactic agreement approach, that there exists an OH-specific agreement projection, AgrOHP, positioned below VoiceP and above vP. It is proposed that OH is licensed when the head of AgrOHP c-commands an honorifiable object and values its feature as [Hon:+] via downward Agree during the first phase.