Serbo - Croatian 에서 두 가지 음운 현상에 대한 지배음운론적 접근

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to present a principled account of the process of vowel-zero alternation in certain contexts and /l/-vocalisation in Serbo-Croatian. Following Kaye`s proposal I show how vowel-zero alternation derives from the Empty Category Principle. Government Phonology claims that a nucleus which dominates a vowel that regularly undergoes elision in certain contexts is underlyingly empty. This underlying empty nucleus is not phonetically interpreted when it is licensed, and is phonetically manifested if it is unlicensed. Whether or not a domain-final empty nucleus is licensed is parametric variation. On the other hand, a domain-internal empty nucleus is licensed if it is properly governed by a following nucleus, and it is unlicensed when proper government fails to apply. This languages also exhibits /l/-vocalisation with some exceptions. The underlying /l/ vocalises to [o] before a word boundary and a consonant. I claim that this process applies before a licensed empty nucleus. This follows from the Licensing Principle and the Coda Licensing Principle. Analytic and non-analytic morphology will be an answer for the exceptional cases.