Intonation Patterns of Wh-interrogatives in South Kyungsang Korean and Fukuoka Japanese
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Abstract
This study investigates the intonation patterns that wh-interrogatives exhibit in South Kyungsang Korean, Fukuoka Japanese, and Tokyo Japanese. While intonation and wh-scope correspondence in Tokyo Japanese has already been examined, no consensus has been reached about the domain of the correspondence in cases of scrambling; further, information structure was disregarded in previous studies (Ishihara 2004, 2005; Kitagawa and Fodor 2003). I test the phenomenon in different contexts. The results show that, first of all, wh-intonation needs to be distinguished from Focus Intonation in the above languages. Secondly, when a wh-element is scrambled out of the embedded clause, the domain of wh-intonation is not the main clause but the embedded clause. Therefore, Ishiharas Multiple Spell-Out Model needs to be modified. Finally, it is not difficult to get a wh-matrix scope interpretation in South Kyungsang Korean and Fukuoka Japanese with the appropriate pitch contours. Based on this observation, it will be argued that the Subjacency constraint is necessarily weaker in these languages.
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