A Typology of Phonological Changes in Intervocalic Position in Terms of Continuancy and Voicing
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This paper shows that there have been gaps in previous research as to a typology of phonological changes in intervocalic position, particularly in terms of continuancy and voicing (e.g., Kaplan 2010). In order to fill the gaps and to establish a complete typology, this study examines all theoretically possible phonological changes by using PBase: A database of phonological patterns (Mielke 2008). Results show that spirantization and voicing are attested, while despirantization and devoicing are not likely to occur between vowels. Any combinations that include an independently unattested phonological change (i.e., despirantization or devoicing) are also not likely to be attested. The generalizations indicate that the attested phonological changes are unidirectional (i.e., spirantization but not despirantization, and voicing but not devoicing) and that they are, in other words, lenition processes, which support the link between lenition and sonority increasing (e.g., Hooper 1976, Foley 1977, Cravens 1984, Lavoie 2001, Cser 2003, Gurevich 2004, Smith 2008) (contra fortition and sonority decreasing). The present study provides a theoretical analysis of the unidirectionality of the attested patterns within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004).
Abstract
This paper shows that there have been gaps in previous research as to a typology of phonological changes in intervocalic position, particularly in terms of continuancy and voicing (e.g., Kaplan 2010). In order to fill the gaps and to establish a complete typology, this study examines all theoretically possible phonological changes by using PBase: A database of phonological patterns (Mielke 2008). Results show that spirantization and voicing are attested, while despirantization and devoicing are not likely to occur between vowels. Any combinations that include an independently unattested phonological change (i.e., despirantization or devoicing) are also not likely to be attested. The generalizations indicate that the attested phonological changes are unidirectional (i.e., spirantization but not despirantization, and voicing but not devoicing) and that they are, in other words, lenition processes, which support the link between lenition and sonority increasing (e.g., Hooper 1976, Foley 1977, Cravens 1984, Lavoie 2001, Cser 2003, Gurevich 2004, Smith 2008) (contra fortition and sonority decreasing). The present study provides a theoretical analysis of the unidirectionality of the attested patterns within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004).
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