Ambisyllabicity and Allophonic Alternations of Voiceless Stops in English
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This paper focuses on generalizing the allophonic alternations of voiceless stops in English with respect to the position in the syllable through the constraint interaction. The crucial assumption is that the presence of the concept ambisyllabicity predicts the subtle distinction in the phonetic realization. My proposals are as follows: (i) voiceless stops are subject to laxing (Kiparsky 1979) in normal speech via a markedness constraint that I dub Lax, hence they are glottalized at syllable final; (ii) in exclusive syllable initial position aspiration preempts the laxing since ASPIRATION is undominated; (III) LAx is ranked higher than the faithfulness of voicing for /t/ to surface as a flap at ambisyllabic position, and lower than a constraint that blocks glottalization at syllable-initial, to prevent glottalization of /t/ and laxing of /p/ and /k/ which lack an alternant analogous to the flap variant of /t/.
Abstract
This paper focuses on generalizing the allophonic alternations of voiceless stops in English with respect to the position in the syllable through the constraint interaction. The crucial assumption is that the presence of the concept ambisyllabicity predicts the subtle distinction in the phonetic realization. My proposals are as follows: (i) voiceless stops are subject to laxing (Kiparsky 1979) in normal speech via a markedness constraint that I dub Lax, hence they are glottalized at syllable final; (ii) in exclusive syllable initial position aspiration preempts the laxing since ASPIRATION is undominated; (III) LAx is ranked higher than the faithfulness of voicing for /t/ to surface as a flap at ambisyllabic position, and lower than a constraint that blocks glottalization at syllable-initial, to prevent glottalization of /t/ and laxing of /p/ and /k/ which lack an alternant analogous to the flap variant of /t/.