13세기 후반 원나라의 刑政 간섭과 고려의 대응
The Yuan Dynasty’s Imposition of its Punishmentbased Governance (刑政, Hyngjng) System during the Late 13th Century and Kory’s Response
0
조회
0
다운로드
6
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
While The Yuan dynasty had first begun to impose its punishment-based governance (刑政, Hyŏngjŏng) system on Koryŏ during the early part of the reign of King Wŏnjong, such interference for the most part remained relatively moderate in terms of its compulsiveness and aggressiveness. Interference during this period was by and large designed to lower the risk of the emergence of any resistance to Yuan rule. This reality is strongly supported by a look at the imperial ordinance prohibiting individuals from possessing weapons, the incident surrounding the false accusation of Kim Panggyŏng, and the so-called ‘Kyŏngchang Kungju Incident’. Rather than strictly adhering to established Yuan punishment principles, the Yuan government instead opted for a case by case approach in each of these instances. However, the extent to which Yuan imposed its own punishment-based governance system was gradually heightened as Koryŏ’s status as a Pumaguk (駙馬國, son-in-law state) was consolidated and its political subordination to Yuan became more firmly entrenched. This denouement is clearly evidenced by a look at the manner in which the Yuan government handled the false accusations leveled against Cho Pi, and the various incidents that occurred as a result of the frictions between the factions supporting King Ch΄ungnyŏl and King Ch΄ungsŏn. This tendency in fact reached a new zenith during the period in which a political tug of war erupted between the supporters of King Ch΄ungnyŏl and King Ch΄ungsŏn over who should sit on the throne. The Yuan dynasty’s aggressive interference in the various incidents that emerged during this fragmentation process resulted in all but usurping Koryŏ of its power to rule independently. Although Koryŏ received permission from Emperor Kublai Khan to maintain its traditional laws during the reign of King Wŏnjong, the Yuan dynasty increasingly forced its own punishment-based governance system on Koryŏ. King Ch΄ungnyŏl urged the Yuan Dynasty to allow Koryŏ to exercise autonomy where the punishment-based governance system was concerned. Despite the fact that Koryŏ received a positive answer from the Yuan government regarding its ability to autonomously control the existing punishment-based governance system during the late period of King Ch΄ungnyŏl’s rule, the reality on the ground proved to be quite different. Furthermore, the judicial function that had heretofore been exercised by the Military Governor (Tarugach’i) on a case by case basis increasingly fell within the scope of the regular Yuan legal system following the establishment of a Branch Secretariat (征東行省理問所, Zhengdong xingsheng) responsible for the imposition of cardinal forms of punishment and the judgment of criminal cases. As such, while the Yuan Dynasty had initially pursued a policy line that involved allowing Koryŏ to continue to some degree to exercise autonomy where its punishment-based governance system was concerned as part of its wider efforts to gain influence within the Koryŏ court, it over time adopted a much more stringent course of action that was designed to strengthen Koryŏ’s subordination and establish complete control over the latter’s politics. The widespread Yuan interference and control of the outcome of various criminal cases that occurred prior to Koryŏ’s official acceptance of the Yuan’s legal system and codes in essence means that in reality the latter already exercised full control over judicial enforceability. Consequently, the restoration of autonomy where the punishment-based governance system was concerned became a prerequisite for Koryŏ in terms of its wider efforts to do away with its subordination to the Yuan Dynasty.
Abstract
While The Yuan dynasty had first begun to impose its punishment-based governance (刑政, Hyŏngjŏng) system on Koryŏ during the early part of the reign of King Wŏnjong, such interference for the most part remained relatively moderate in terms of its compulsiveness and aggressiveness. Interference during this period was by and large designed to lower the risk of the emergence of any resistance to Yuan rule. This reality is strongly supported by a look at the imperial ordinance prohibiting individuals from possessing weapons, the incident surrounding the false accusation of Kim Panggyŏng, and the so-called ‘Kyŏngchang Kungju Incident’. Rather than strictly adhering to established Yuan punishment principles, the Yuan government instead opted for a case by case approach in each of these instances. However, the extent to which Yuan imposed its own punishment-based governance system was gradually heightened as Koryŏ’s status as a Pumaguk (駙馬國, son-in-law state) was consolidated and its political subordination to Yuan became more firmly entrenched. This denouement is clearly evidenced by a look at the manner in which the Yuan government handled the false accusations leveled against Cho Pi, and the various incidents that occurred as a result of the frictions between the factions supporting King Ch΄ungnyŏl and King Ch΄ungsŏn. This tendency in fact reached a new zenith during the period in which a political tug of war erupted between the supporters of King Ch΄ungnyŏl and King Ch΄ungsŏn over who should sit on the throne. The Yuan dynasty’s aggressive interference in the various incidents that emerged during this fragmentation process resulted in all but usurping Koryŏ of its power to rule independently. Although Koryŏ received permission from Emperor Kublai Khan to maintain its traditional laws during the reign of King Wŏnjong, the Yuan dynasty increasingly forced its own punishment-based governance system on Koryŏ. King Ch΄ungnyŏl urged the Yuan Dynasty to allow Koryŏ to exercise autonomy where the punishment-based governance system was concerned. Despite the fact that Koryŏ received a positive answer from the Yuan government regarding its ability to autonomously control the existing punishment-based governance system during the late period of King Ch΄ungnyŏl’s rule, the reality on the ground proved to be quite different. Furthermore, the judicial function that had heretofore been exercised by the Military Governor (Tarugach’i) on a case by case basis increasingly fell within the scope of the regular Yuan legal system following the establishment of a Branch Secretariat (征東行省理問所, Zhengdong xingsheng) responsible for the imposition of cardinal forms of punishment and the judgment of criminal cases. As such, while the Yuan Dynasty had initially pursued a policy line that involved allowing Koryŏ to continue to some degree to exercise autonomy where its punishment-based governance system was concerned as part of its wider efforts to gain influence within the Koryŏ court, it over time adopted a much more stringent course of action that was designed to strengthen Koryŏ’s subordination and establish complete control over the latter’s politics. The widespread Yuan interference and control of the outcome of various criminal cases that occurred prior to Koryŏ’s official acceptance of the Yuan’s legal system and codes in essence means that in reality the latter already exercised full control over judicial enforceability. Consequently, the restoration of autonomy where the punishment-based governance system was concerned became a prerequisite for Koryŏ in terms of its wider efforts to do away with its subordination to the Yuan Dynasty.
참고문헌 (30)
- 박종기, "총론 : 14세기의 고려사회-원 간섭기의 이해문제, In 14세기 고려의 정치와 사회" (1994), 민음사
- 張東翼, "高麗後期外交史硏究" (1994), 일조각
- 李益柱, "高麗․元關係의 構造에 대한 硏究-소위 ‘世祖舊制’의 분석을 중심으로-", 韓國史論, 36 (1996)
- 森平雅彦, "高麗王位下の基礎的考察-大元ウルスの一分權勢力としての高麗王家", 朝鮮史硏究會論文集, 36 (1998)
- 金塘澤, "元干涉下의 高麗政治史" (1998), 一潮閣
- 김호동, "몽골제국과 고려" (2007), 서울대 출판부
- 이개석, "大蒙古國-高麗 關係 연구의 재검토", 사학연구, (88), pp.39~92 (2007), 한국사학회
- 高柄翊, "麗代 征東行省의 硏究(下)", 歷史學報, 19 (1962)
- 北村秀人, "高麗に於ける征東行省について", 朝鮮學報, 32 (1964)
- 張東翼, "征東行省의 硏究", 東方學志, 67 (1990)
- 延正悅, "高麗와 至正條格에 關한 一硏究", 몽골학, 2 (1994)
- 延正悅, "고려시대의 율령에 관한 연구―원종․충렬왕 시대를 중심으로", 한성대논문집, 19 (1995)
- 延正悅, "元律이 高麗律과 몽골社會에 끼친 影響에 관한 一硏究", 한성대논문집, 23 (1999)
- 김인호, "고려의 元律 수용과 高麗律의 변화", 한국사론, 33 (2002)
- 이정훈, "고려시대 지배체제의 변화와 중국율의 수용", 한국사론, 33 (2002)
- 魏恩淑, "원간섭기 元律令의 受容問題와 榷貨令", 民族文化論叢, 37 (2007)
- 李康漢, "征東行省官 闊里吉思의고려제도 개변 시도", 한국사연구, (139), pp.83~128 (2007), 한국사연구회
- "高麗史", ~
- "元史", ~
- "고려사절요", ~
- 金塘澤, "충렬왕의 복위과정을 통해 본 賤系 출신 관료와 ‘士族’ 출신 관료의 정치적 갈등―‘士大夫’―의 개념에 대한 검토", 東亞硏究, 17 (1989)
- "元高麗紀事", ~
- 李益柱, "高麗 忠烈王代의 政治狀況과 政治勢力의 性格", 韓國史論, 18, pp.173~175 (1988)
- 金惠苑, "忠烈王 入元行績의 性格, In 高麗史의 諸問題", pp.815~816 (1986), 三英社
- 李益柱, "高麗․元關係의 構造와 高麗後期 政治體制", 박사, pp.1996
- 金成俊, "高麗後期 元公主出身王妃의 政治的 位置―특히 忠宣王妃를 중심으로―, In 韓國中世政治法制史硏究", pp.164~170 (1985), 일조각
- 高柄翊, "東亞交涉史의 硏究" (1970), 서울大 出版部
- 金炯秀, "13世紀 後半 高麗의 奴婢辨正과 그 性格", 慶北史學, 19 (1996)
- 이개석, "<高麗史> 元宗,忠烈王,忠宣王世家 중 元朝關係記事의 註釋硏究", 동양사학연구, (88), pp.77~129 (2004), 동양사학회
- 高柄翊, "麗代 征東行省의 硏究(上)", 歷史學報, 14 (1961)
