표찰에 의한 이동과 인상 구문
Label-driven movement and raising construction
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This paper proposes a novel analysis of Spanish raising constructions in which the verb ‘parecer’ selects the infinitival clause and its subject raises to the matrix clause. According to the labeling algorithm proposed by Chomsky(2013, 2015), I argue that movement of the subject of the infinitival clause is due to determine the label for the syntactic object {DP, vP} in that DP and vP are non-heads and do not share a prominent feature. Furthermore, I analyze the raising constructions with postverbal subject in which the subject of the infinitival clause is not raised to the subject position of the matrix clause. I claim that the verbal phrase moves from the syntactic object {DP, vP} to prevent label failure. Based on the concept of external pair-merge of heads proposed by Epstein et al.(2016), it is argued that, in the course of the derivation, C and T in the infinitival clause and R and v* in the matrix clause undergo external pair-merge, respectively, and then the phasehood of C of the infinitival clause and that of v* of the matrix clause are cancelled.
Abstract
This paper proposes a novel analysis of Spanish raising constructions in which the verb ‘parecer’ selects the infinitival clause and its subject raises to the matrix clause. According to the labeling algorithm proposed by Chomsky(2013, 2015), I argue that movement of the subject of the infinitival clause is due to determine the label for the syntactic object {DP, vP} in that DP and vP are non-heads and do not share a prominent feature. Furthermore, I analyze the raising constructions with postverbal subject in which the subject of the infinitival clause is not raised to the subject position of the matrix clause. I claim that the verbal phrase moves from the syntactic object {DP, vP} to prevent label failure. Based on the concept of external pair-merge of heads proposed by Epstein et al.(2016), it is argued that, in the course of the derivation, C and T in the infinitival clause and R and v* in the matrix clause undergo external pair-merge, respectively, and then the phasehood of C of the infinitival clause and that of v* of the matrix clause are cancelled.
참고문헌 (25)
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