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Morpheme structure and co-occurrence restrictions in Korean monosyllabic stems

Chiyuki Ito
한국음운론학회 (The Phonology-Morphology Circle of Korea)|2007.12|음성음운형태론연구 (Studies in Phonetics, Phonology, and Morphology)|제13권 제3호|pp. 373-394|DOI 10.17959/sppm.2007.13.3.373

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키워드

typologyaspirationco-occurrence restrictiongradienceOCP-Place constraint*COMPLEX
주제분류언어학

초록

This paper reports the results of a study of the statistical distribution of various phonological contrasts in Korean monosyllabic stems. The data is composed of 1,419 native (not Sino-Korean) roots drawn from an authoritative dictionary. Major findings are: (1) Segmental frequencies in onset, nucleus, and coda coincides with a cross-linguistic markedness hierarchy such that less marked segments/classes are more attested than marked ones in the lexicon. Verbs (verbal stems) show a more complex coda inventory than nouns, which is due to the Base-Identity effect (Kenstowicz 1996). (2) As in many genetically unrelated languages, Korean has an OCP-Place constraint that is statistically significant (Greenberg 1950, McCarthy 1986, 1988, 1994, Mester 1986, Padgett 1995, Frisch et al. 2004, Kawahara et al. 2006, Coetzee and Pater 2006); (3) Korean has a gradient complexity constraint that restricts stems composed of more than one segment drawn from the following classes: aspirated/tense consonants, diphthongs, complex codas (Anttila 2007. cf. MacEachern 1997); (4) The distribution of aspiration is predictable. It occupies the coda position as a rule, but moves to the onset position when the coda is either a segment which cannot bear aspiration or -k. kh is highly underrepresented in the Korean lexicon; (5) To place the extreme underrepresentation of Korean aspirated velar stops in perspective, we conducted a typological survey of language frequency for aspiration contrasts based on the data in Maddieson (1984). The implicational hierarchy is Coronal ＞ Labial, Velar ＞ Uvular for place and Stop ＞ Affricate ＞ Fricative for manner. The extreme underrepresentation of kh in Korean is not due to the cross-linguistic dispreference for kh but probably results from potential confusion with a velar/uvular fricative. Thus the findings of this paper not only contribute new data to the literature on Korean phonetics/phonology, but also reveal a cross-linguistic hierarchy in the distribution of aspiration with respect to oral place.

Abstract

This paper reports the results of a study of the statistical distribution of various phonological contrasts in Korean monosyllabic stems. The data is composed of 1,419 native (not Sino-Korean) roots drawn from an authoritative dictionary. Major findings are: (1) Segmental frequencies in onset, nucleus, and coda coincides with a cross-linguistic markedness hierarchy such that less marked segments/classes are more attested than marked ones in the lexicon. Verbs (verbal stems) show a more complex coda inventory than nouns, which is due to the Base-Identity effect (Kenstowicz 1996). (2) As in many genetically unrelated languages, Korean has an OCP-Place constraint that is statistically significant (Greenberg 1950, McCarthy 1986, 1988, 1994, Mester 1986, Padgett 1995, Frisch et al. 2004, Kawahara et al. 2006, Coetzee and Pater 2006); (3) Korean has a gradient complexity constraint that restricts stems composed of more than one segment drawn from the following classes: aspirated/tense consonants, diphthongs, complex codas (Anttila 2007. cf. MacEachern 1997); (4) The distribution of aspiration is predictable. It occupies the coda position as a rule, but moves to the onset position when the coda is either a segment which cannot bear aspiration or -k. kh is highly underrepresented in the Korean lexicon; (5) To place the extreme underrepresentation of Korean aspirated velar stops in perspective, we conducted a typological survey of language frequency for aspiration contrasts based on the data in Maddieson (1984). The implicational hierarchy is Coronal ＞ Labial, Velar ＞ Uvular for place and Stop ＞ Affricate ＞ Fricative for manner. The extreme underrepresentation of kh in Korean is not due to the cross-linguistic dispreference for kh but probably results from potential confusion with a velar/uvular fricative. Thus the findings of this paper not only contribute new data to the literature on Korean phonetics/phonology, but also reveal a cross-linguistic hierarchy in the distribution of aspiration with respect to oral place.

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