C-to-C correspondence and agreement-at-a-distance
1
조회
0
다운로드
0
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
Assimilation as feature agreement is attributed to two distinct modes: local, by autosegmental spreading; and long-distance, by correspondence. As evidenced in Kinyarwanda, a Bantu language in which feature agreement from a palatal trigger to the preceding targets involves long-distance action, assimilation can occur without autosegmental spreading. In Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004, McCarthy and Prince 1995), pro-spreading markedness constraints like Align are responsible for such long-distance harmony, but they are caught in a serious pathology (McCarthy 2003, 2009). In addition, identity-referring Correspondence (Corr) constraints (Walker 1999, 2000a, 2000b) are criticized due to their redundant characteristic, i.e. there is no need for Corr constraints. As an alternative, Max-CC via consonant-consonant or CC correspondence (McCarthy 2010) replace Corr constraints without regard to featural identity. In essence, feature agreement at a distance results from the co-work of Ident-CC(F) checking featural identity between Cs in correspondence and Max-CC demanding co-indexation between Cs in the output under OT.
Abstract
Assimilation as feature agreement is attributed to two distinct modes: local, by autosegmental spreading; and long-distance, by correspondence. As evidenced in Kinyarwanda, a Bantu language in which feature agreement from a palatal trigger to the preceding targets involves long-distance action, assimilation can occur without autosegmental spreading. In Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004, McCarthy and Prince 1995), pro-spreading markedness constraints like Align are responsible for such long-distance harmony, but they are caught in a serious pathology (McCarthy 2003, 2009). In addition, identity-referring Correspondence (Corr) constraints (Walker 1999, 2000a, 2000b) are criticized due to their redundant characteristic, i.e. there is no need for Corr constraints. As an alternative, Max-CC via consonant-consonant or CC correspondence (McCarthy 2010) replace Corr constraints without regard to featural identity. In essence, feature agreement at a distance results from the co-work of Ident-CC(F) checking featural identity between Cs in correspondence and Max-CC demanding co-indexation between Cs in the output under OT.
참고문헌 (28)
- Vowels undergo consonant harmony, "FLEMMING, EDWARD", ~ (1995)
- GAFOS, ADAMANTIOS, "The Articulatory Basis of Locality in Phonology", PhD, pp.1996
- GAFOS, ADAMANTIOS, "Eliminating long-distance consonantal spreading", Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 16(2), pp.223~278 (1998)
- GOLDSMITH, JOHN, "Autosegmental Phonology", PhD, pp.1976
- GOLDSMITH, JOHN, "An overview of autosegmental phonology", Linguistic Analysis, 2, pp.23~68 (1976)
- HANSSON, ÓLAFUR, "Theoretical and Typological Issues in Consonant Harmony", PhD, pp.2001
- KAGER, RENÉ, "Optimality Theory" (1999), Cambridge University Press
- KIMENYI, ALEXANDRE, "Studies in Kinyarwanda and Bantu Phonology" (1979), Linguistic Research Inc
- 이민경, "Resolving Hiatus in Kinyarwanda Morphology", 언어, 40(2), pp.213~235 (2015), 한국언어학회[DOI]
- 이민경, "A Serial OT Approach to English Consonantal Harmony", 영어영문학연구, 42(4), pp.263~292 (2016), 대한영어영문학회[DOI]
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "Comparative markedness", Theoretical Linguistics, 29, pp.1~51 (2003)
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 32: Papers in Optimality Theory III", pp.223~237 (2007), GLSA Publications
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "Hidden Generalizations: Phonological Opacity in Optimality Theory" (2007), Equinox Publishing
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "Harmony in Harmonic Serialism", ROA 1009-0109, ~ (2009)
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "The Selected Works of John J. McCarthy" (2010), University of Massachusetts
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "Yearbook of Morphology", pp.79~153 (1993), Kluwer
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers", pp.249~384 (1995), GLSA Publications
- MCCARTHY, JOHN, "The Prosody-Morphology Interface", pp.218~309 (1999), Cambridge University Press
- Markedness, segment realization, and locality in spreading, "NÍ CHIOSÁIN, MARIE", Linguistic Research Center, UC Santa Cruz, ~, pp.LRC-97-01 (1997)
- PRINCE, ALAN, "Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar" (2004), Blackwell
- ROSE, SHARON, "A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence", Language, 80, pp.475~531 (2004)
- WALKER, RACHEL, "Nasalization, Neutral Segments and Opacity Effects", PhD, pp.1998
- WALKER, RACHEL, "Nasal reduplication in Mbe affixation", pp.1999
- WALKER, RACHEL, "Long-distance consonantal identity effects", Proceedings of the 19th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, pp.532~545 (2000)
- WALKER, RACHEL, "Yaka nasal harmony: Spreading or segmental correspondence?", Proceedings of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 26, pp.321~332 (2000)
- Unbounded spreading in OT, "WILSON, COLIN", ~ (2003)
- WILSON, COLIN, "Analyzing unbounded spreading with constraints: marks, targets, and derivations", pp.2004
- WILSON, COLIN, "Unbounded spreading is myopic", Paper presented at Phonology Fest 2006 (2006)
