The absence of revolutionary actions of nobi and mŏsŭm, and its relation to ideological movements in the late Chosŏn dynasty
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This research focuses on the reasons why nobi (forced labour, 奴婢 c.nupi) and mŏsŭm (free wage labour 雇工 or kogong) were not the agents for the abolitions of the nobi system and social discrimination. The forced labour, which consisted of government-owned nobi (公奴婢) and privately-owned nobi (私奴婢), was legally abolished in 1801 and 1894. The majority of emancipated nobi acquired mŏsŭm through economic contracts. The abolitions were a consequence of the Politics of Impartiality (t’angp’yŏng 蕩平政治) during the reigns of Yŏngjo (英祖 r.1724-1776) and Chŏngjo (正祖 r.1776-1800). During the reigns of Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo, political exigencies compelled the creation of a homogenous movement and a reevaluation of impartiality in the state ideology due to intense factional struggle. The ideological reforms conceptualised the nobi as a homogenous set of subjects and resulted in the formulation of impartial policies for the nobi. It was a downward process toward the legal abolitions of nobi since the state ideology and government's regulations blurred the distinction between nobi and other social classes. Consequently, nobi were unable to find the necessity for collective movements, nor did they engaged in self-reflection regarding the nobi and class consciousness. The lack of awareness regarding the necessity of these collective movements inevitably caused social discrimination and disdain of nobi to continue to inflict on mŏsŭm aft er t he legal abolitions. These historical facts imply that laws and policies were the minimum instruments for solutions to social discrimination and disdain. Significantly, individual agents establishing self-reflection and class awareness for collective actions should have been the fulcrum for improvements in social discrimination. Ironically, the intellectual force responsible for the legal abolition also prevented the nobi from creating their own individual agent s. The creation of a homogenous movement and a reevaluation of impartiality were a relief for nobi, not taking a revolutionary process against the nobi system and social discrimination. It was difficult for self-reflection and class-triggered upward movements to emerge under the influence of the intellectual force. At this point, the ideological movement of homogeneity functioned as a means to justify another inequality over mŏsŭm. This research will examine how the notion of nobi status persisted across mŏsŭm and how this continuity justified societal discrimination and contempt for mŏsŭm. Consequently, it will illustrate why mŏsŭm hesitated to organise collective activities in defence of their shared interests against others.
Abstract
This research focuses on the reasons why nobi (forced labour, 奴婢 c.nupi) and mŏsŭm (free wage labour 雇工 or kogong) were not the agents for the abolitions of the nobi system and social discrimination. The forced labour, which consisted of government-owned nobi (公奴婢) and privately-owned nobi (私奴婢), was legally abolished in 1801 and 1894. The majority of emancipated nobi acquired mŏsŭm through economic contracts. The abolitions were a consequence of the Politics of Impartiality (t’angp’yŏng 蕩平政治) during the reigns of Yŏngjo (英祖 r.1724-1776) and Chŏngjo (正祖 r.1776-1800). During the reigns of Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo, political exigencies compelled the creation of a homogenous movement and a reevaluation of impartiality in the state ideology due to intense factional struggle. The ideological reforms conceptualised the nobi as a homogenous set of subjects and resulted in the formulation of impartial policies for the nobi. It was a downward process toward the legal abolitions of nobi since the state ideology and government's regulations blurred the distinction between nobi and other social classes. Consequently, nobi were unable to find the necessity for collective movements, nor did they engaged in self-reflection regarding the nobi and class consciousness. The lack of awareness regarding the necessity of these collective movements inevitably caused social discrimination and disdain of nobi to continue to inflict on mŏsŭm aft er t he legal abolitions. These historical facts imply that laws and policies were the minimum instruments for solutions to social discrimination and disdain. Significantly, individual agents establishing self-reflection and class awareness for collective actions should have been the fulcrum for improvements in social discrimination. Ironically, the intellectual force responsible for the legal abolition also prevented the nobi from creating their own individual agent s. The creation of a homogenous movement and a reevaluation of impartiality were a relief for nobi, not taking a revolutionary process against the nobi system and social discrimination. It was difficult for self-reflection and class-triggered upward movements to emerge under the influence of the intellectual force. At this point, the ideological movement of homogeneity functioned as a means to justify another inequality over mŏsŭm. This research will examine how the notion of nobi status persisted across mŏsŭm and how this continuity justified societal discrimination and contempt for mŏsŭm. Consequently, it will illustrate why mŏsŭm hesitated to organise collective activities in defence of their shared interests against others.
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