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Representation on the Diachronic Change of English kn-cluster in Optimality Theory

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In Optimality Theory (OT: McCarthy and Prince 1993, Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004), sound change is accounted for by constraint reranking. However, it does not properly show the ‘gradual’ aspect of a diachronic change, though the unranking process is introduced for variation e.g. [knou] > [knou, nou] > [nou] (Cho 1998). Following Oh (2002), this paper proposes an alternative approach to the representation of historical sound change within the OT framework, on the basis of the sound change of know ([knou] > [hnou] > [nou] > [nou]) in Early Modern English (Dobson 1968). To show the gradual changes of [k], MAX, *VL NAS, IDENT [cont], and *σ[kn- constraints are interacted with each other. To display the gradual change of frequency among variants, the meaning of dotted lines is reinterpreted as weak domination contrary to that of straight lines as strong domination, based on Oh (2002). This paper concludes that gradual diachronic changes can be fully represented within the framework of OT through a series of unranking, reranking and ranking tools.

Abstract

In Optimality Theory (OT: McCarthy and Prince 1993, Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004), sound change is accounted for by constraint reranking. However, it does not properly show the ‘gradual’ aspect of a diachronic change, though the unranking process is introduced for variation e.g. [knou] > [knou, nou] > [nou] (Cho 1998). Following Oh (2002), this paper proposes an alternative approach to the representation of historical sound change within the OT framework, on the basis of the sound change of know ([knou] > [hnou] > [nou] > [nou]) in Early Modern English (Dobson 1968). To show the gradual changes of [k], MAX, *VL NAS, IDENT [cont], and *σ[kn- constraints are interacted with each other. To display the gradual change of frequency among variants, the meaning of dotted lines is reinterpreted as weak domination contrary to that of straight lines as strong domination, based on Oh (2002). This paper concludes that gradual diachronic changes can be fully represented within the framework of OT through a series of unranking, reranking and ranking tools.

참고문헌 (18)

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  2. "Stress and Quantity in Old and Early Middle English: Evidence for an Optimality-Theoretic Model of Sound Change" (1996)[URL]
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  4. Cho,Y.Y, "Language Change as Reranking of Constraints. In Historical Linguistics 1995", pp.45~62 (1998), John Benjamins
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  6. Ekwall,E, "A History of Modern English Sounds and Morphology translated and edited by Alan Ward" (1975), Basil Blackwell
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  8. "Optimality and Diachronic Adaptation. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 18" (1999)[URL]
  9. Haspelmath, M, "Some Issues Concerning Optimality and Diachronic Adaptation", Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft, 18, pp.251~268 (1999)
  10. Jacobs,H, "Optimality Theory and Sound Change", Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society, 25, pp.219~232 (1995)
  11. Kager,R, "Optimality Theory" (1999), Cambridge University Press
  12. "Derived Environment Effects in Optimality Theory" (2002)[URL]
  13. McCarthy,J, "A Thematic Guide to Optimality Theory" (2002), Cambridge University Press
  14. McCarthy, J, "Prosodic Morphology Ⅰ: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction" (1993), University of Massachusetts and Rutgers University
  15. Millward,C.M, "A Biography of the English Language" (1996), Wadsworth
  16. Oh,Y, "An Optimality-Theoretic Account of Diachronic Consonant Cluster Simplification in English", Language Research, 38, pp.1217~1234 (2002)
  17. Prince, A, "Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar" (2004), Blackwell
  18. Pyles, T, "The Origins and Development of the English Language" (1993), Harcourt Brace Jovanovich

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