Interrogative Questions (IQs) and Rhetorical Questions (RQs) in English and Korean
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English rhetorical wh-questions (RQs) have been broadly researched. These RQs have been regarded as negative statements (Sadock 1971). However, they have the same syntactic behavior as interrogative questions (IQs) with respect to wh-movement. In this paper, some traits of wh-movement in rhetorical and interrogative questions in English are noted which are focus on the wh-feature and the probe-goal system. Then, some similarities between wh-word IQs and RQs in English are presented as follows: IQs and RQs in the answering function, IQs and RQs with multiple wh-words, Embedded RQs, and the Island effect in IQs and RQs. Sprouse (2007) proposes three syntactic observations about RQs in some languages and their consequences for theories of wh-movement. However, his proposal bears two problems on the validity of the analysis in relation to Korean RQs. I point out the problems in two aspects of Sprouse’s (2007) analysis in view of Korean: Island Effect (IE) and Principle of Minimal Compliance effects (PMC). Lastly, based on the analyses, I suggest that, similarly to Choi’s (2002) proposal, that wh-phrases in Korean RQs are wh-in-situ the same as the wh-phrases in Korean IQs. They do not move overtly for wh-feature checking, do not undergo LF-movement and do not move at any level of grammar. For this, two supporting reasons are presented: unselective binding and no island effect. Consequently, I conclude that wh-constructions in Korean IQs and RQs have syntactically similar structures in spite of the negative meanings of RQs.
Abstract
English rhetorical wh-questions (RQs) have been broadly researched. These RQs have been regarded as negative statements (Sadock 1971). However, they have the same syntactic behavior as interrogative questions (IQs) with respect to wh-movement. In this paper, some traits of wh-movement in rhetorical and interrogative questions in English are noted which are focus on the wh-feature and the probe-goal system. Then, some similarities between wh-word IQs and RQs in English are presented as follows: IQs and RQs in the answering function, IQs and RQs with multiple wh-words, Embedded RQs, and the Island effect in IQs and RQs. Sprouse (2007) proposes three syntactic observations about RQs in some languages and their consequences for theories of wh-movement. However, his proposal bears two problems on the validity of the analysis in relation to Korean RQs. I point out the problems in two aspects of Sprouse’s (2007) analysis in view of Korean: Island Effect (IE) and Principle of Minimal Compliance effects (PMC). Lastly, based on the analyses, I suggest that, similarly to Choi’s (2002) proposal, that wh-phrases in Korean RQs are wh-in-situ the same as the wh-phrases in Korean IQs. They do not move overtly for wh-feature checking, do not undergo LF-movement and do not move at any level of grammar. For this, two supporting reasons are presented: unselective binding and no island effect. Consequently, I conclude that wh-constructions in Korean IQs and RQs have syntactically similar structures in spite of the negative meanings of RQs.
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