On a Transitivity Analysis of French Reflexive clitic 'se' and English Reflexives
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The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 16(2), 233-253. With all amount of studies and literature dedicated to it, the status of the French reflexive clitic 'se' is still highly controversial. The question is whether the reflexive clitic occurs with transitive predicates or intransitive predicates. In the case that it occurs with an intransitive, whether the predicates that allow 'se' is unaccusative or unergative has been the focus of intensive syntactic investigations. In this paper we discuss the issue with French reflexive clitic, 'se', examining a variety array of data and proposals. We argue against the uniform analysis of intransitivity, yielding that the reflexive 'se' behaves like a direct object with the difference in their feature specification. In other words, unlike non-argumental approaches advocated by Bouchard (1984), Marantz (1984), and Grimshaw (1990), we support argumental approach for the clitic 'se'. Those who have maintained the argumental approaches include Rizzi (1986) and Roberts (1997). We provide some new empirical data and new interpretations within Chomksy's (1995, 2000) Minimalist Program, implementing the transivity hypothesis for 'se'. The conclusion we reach includes that it is difficult to characterize reflexive ‘se' in a syntactically intransitive manner and that 'se' is neither an affix nor a morpheme. Rather, 'se' is an internal argument subcategorized by the transitive predicates with unvalued syntactic features. The argument 'se' with unvalued features is demanded by a transitive predicate in which 'se', a DP, raises to get valued via XP movement.
Abstract
The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 16(2), 233-253. With all amount of studies and literature dedicated to it, the status of the French reflexive clitic 'se' is still highly controversial. The question is whether the reflexive clitic occurs with transitive predicates or intransitive predicates. In the case that it occurs with an intransitive, whether the predicates that allow 'se' is unaccusative or unergative has been the focus of intensive syntactic investigations. In this paper we discuss the issue with French reflexive clitic, 'se', examining a variety array of data and proposals. We argue against the uniform analysis of intransitivity, yielding that the reflexive 'se' behaves like a direct object with the difference in their feature specification. In other words, unlike non-argumental approaches advocated by Bouchard (1984), Marantz (1984), and Grimshaw (1990), we support argumental approach for the clitic 'se'. Those who have maintained the argumental approaches include Rizzi (1986) and Roberts (1997). We provide some new empirical data and new interpretations within Chomksy's (1995, 2000) Minimalist Program, implementing the transivity hypothesis for 'se'. The conclusion we reach includes that it is difficult to characterize reflexive ‘se' in a syntactically intransitive manner and that 'se' is neither an affix nor a morpheme. Rather, 'se' is an internal argument subcategorized by the transitive predicates with unvalued syntactic features. The argument 'se' with unvalued features is demanded by a transitive predicate in which 'se', a DP, raises to get valued via XP movement.
참고문헌 (31)
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