Layered Nominal Structures: Implications for Caseless Nominals
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Hee-Don Ahn, Sungeun Cho 2006. Layered nominal structures: implications for caseless nominals. Korean Journal of Linguistics 31-2, 165-185. Subject-object asymmetries on unpronounced Case markers are observed in two respects. First, whereas Case markers can be unpronounced in complement positions, those in canonical subject positions must be pronounced. Secondly, object wh-phrases without Case markers can have either D-linked or non-D-linked interpretation, while subject wh-phrases without them have only D-linked interpretation. In this paper, based on the assumption that Case markers occur in the head position of DP, we propose the following: (i) Bare NPs can occur inside VP since they can be part of a complex predicate, and they are not subject to feature checking; (ii) Without the option of complex predicate formation, the nominals which function as arguments must be projected to DP or ΦP; and (iii) Nominals without Case markers in sentence-initial positions are left-dislocated bare NPs that undergo SubMove (i.e., movement out of DP/ΦP stranding resumptive pro in Φ). Then, only D-linked reading arises in these constructions parallel to wh-resumption or wh-clitic doubling constructions found in other languages.
Abstract
Hee-Don Ahn, Sungeun Cho 2006. Layered nominal structures: implications for caseless nominals. Korean Journal of Linguistics 31-2, 165-185. Subject-object asymmetries on unpronounced Case markers are observed in two respects. First, whereas Case markers can be unpronounced in complement positions, those in canonical subject positions must be pronounced. Secondly, object wh-phrases without Case markers can have either D-linked or non-D-linked interpretation, while subject wh-phrases without them have only D-linked interpretation. In this paper, based on the assumption that Case markers occur in the head position of DP, we propose the following: (i) Bare NPs can occur inside VP since they can be part of a complex predicate, and they are not subject to feature checking; (ii) Without the option of complex predicate formation, the nominals which function as arguments must be projected to DP or ΦP; and (iii) Nominals without Case markers in sentence-initial positions are left-dislocated bare NPs that undergo SubMove (i.e., movement out of DP/ΦP stranding resumptive pro in Φ). Then, only D-linked reading arises in these constructions parallel to wh-resumption or wh-clitic doubling constructions found in other languages.